1. The struggle to earn a living wage
1.1. Gloria was working as a domestic worker in which Goldstein accompanied her to many of the 14 hour work days. She calculated that Gloria was earning 6 dollars a day. She had to pay transportation fares as well.
1.1.1. Most domestic workers earned only one domestic salary.
1.2. Gloria is just one worker in an economy characterized by ever increasing numbers of workers in the lowest-paid sectors. everyone in the middle class expects to be able to afford someone to cook and clean for them.
1.3. This cultivated incompetence is an important sign of class. Domestic workers are a good example of cultural capital objectified as a kind of good service.
2. Poverty in Brazil
2.1. Rio's economy has been in decline for many years. One of the more dramatic changes in Rio's demographics has been the increasing feminization of its workforce and the growing participation of children in the economy.
3. Class, culture, and the effects of domination
3.1. These statistical trends lay the foundation for capturing the aesthetics of domination inside of Rio.
4. From slavery to servitude
4.1. Gloria's childhood is not too far removed from slavery. It has affected how she sees herself and the world.
5. Colonial Rio
5.1. The history of Rio has been intimately connected to the lives of slaves, ex-slaves, and domestic workers since the beginning of the colonial period.
5.1.1. Relations between domestic workers and their employers are a perfect site within which to explore how cultural practices are produced and reproduced, and what effects are created through this form of domination.
6. Private and public spaces
6.1. A contemporary example of urban and architectural planning has outlined the conventional organization of the Brazilian middle class apartment as one that is divided into three independent zones: the social area, the intimate area, and the service area.
7. The Euphemization of power relations
7.1. The protection of class privilege is highly visible in everyday interactions not only inside domestic space but outside as well.
7.1.1. The effect of these euphemizing discourses is that privileged classes manage to convince themselves that their patronage is healthier for their servants than the lives available to them.
8. Cultural capital and the reproduction of class
8.1. Hegemonically constructed forms of cultural capital are a possession of the dominant classes and are acquired through the process of class production and reproduction.
9. The limitations of academic capital
9.1. In Brazil there is an even clearer limitation to education capital than there is in the US. The school system in Brazil is classed from the very start.
9.1.1. The children from wealthier classes are usually prohibited from even entering the kitchen in their own homes.
10. Race and class in Brazil and the US.
10.1. In Brazil, it is race and racism that people are generally uncomfortable speaking about.
10.1.1. Brazil never had an all out civil rights movement where a black power or black pride movement captured the public imagination.
10.2. In Brazil, where one can place oneself or be placed by others along a color spectrum that shifts in relation to who is speaking and to whom one is speaking.
11. The treasure chest coup
11.1. Living in a favela is automatically a class marker in Rio. Those who are lighter skinned or who have whiter characteristics are believed to have better chances of succeeding in life.
11.1.1. The version of the coroa parable is similar to a black Cinderella story.
11.1.1.1. In the coroa story, the women themselves have inverted the historical master slave relationship and have opted to pursue the coroa.
12. Representations and commodifications of black bodies
12.1. Here Azevedo's novel provides a foundational vision of the mulata seductress and her symbolic linkage with everything tropical, sensual, untamed and Brazilian.
12.1.1. Brazilian images of black women, and particularly representations of the sexually hot mulata have largely remained unexamined.
13. Brazilian sexuality
13.1. Brazil's erotic paradise has been celebrated in the historiography of colonialism and slavery.
14. Discourses on race
14.1. One reason that is difficult to talk about race and sexuality together is because of the ambiguties involved in the sexualization of racialized bodies.
14.1.1. In the cases of sexuality and race, anthropologists are finding that because of the difficulty of addressing these topics, people resort not only to silence, but also to jokes, stories and innuendo that form a hidden discourse within daily interactions.
15. The coroa and the ideology of whitening
15.1. The manner in whcih the coroa fantasy plays with the ideology of whitening illustrates a perfect ambiguous romantic relationship in which women expect to gain materially while they play out the sexualized role of the seductive mulata.
15.1.1. The widespread discussion about the possibility of seducing a coroa illustrated a number of conceptions about race and social mobility held by women in the most oppresed segments of Brazilian society.
15.1.1.1. The story of the coroa is interesting to consider in the context of age, class, sexuality, and gender.
16. Conclusion
16.1. The construction of race in Brazil both among members of a broad popular culture and among elite academics, has been influenced to some extent by the idea of racial democracy set forth by Gilberto Freyre early in the 20th century.
17. Chapter 4
17.1. A visit with Pedro Paulo at Ilha Grande Prison
17.1.1. Pedro Paulos choices form almost a classic example of male oppositional culture. Because he had grown to a position leadership in Comando Vermelho, it was expected that there would be some jockeying for power upon his release from prison.
17.2. The killing streets
17.2.1. increasingly, the trend among the middle and upper classes in Brazil's major cities has been to move behind higher walls to protect themselves from what they perceive as the growing violence on the street.
17.2.1.1. Teresa Caldeira refers to the social segrefation and the construction of a city of walls in her description of Sao Paolo during the late 1980's and early 1990's. She argues that the discourses on and fear of crime have served to legitimize private and illegal reactions, such as the organization of death squads, which became internationally known in the early 1990's/
17.3. Home children, street children, and institutionalized children.
17.3.1. The issue of street children has for some time formed part of an awakened national consciousness for Brazilians.
17.3.1.1. Children are increasingly important in Brazilian discourse about urban violence becasue they are often recruited to do the dirty work of organized urban favela gangs dealing in drugs; children are often drafted for other illicit activities, since it is well known that they get off with lesser or restricted sentences.
17.4. Mirellis Story
17.4.1. Mirelli's story highlights a number of themes that run throughout this chapter and throughout the book in general. her childhood is an example of how vulnerable anyone can be when they are literally placed out on the street.
17.4.1.1. Mirelli feels like she never really experienced a childhood.
17.5. The everyday life of children.
17.5.1. In contrast to the survivalist strategies of the working classes, the Brazilian middle and upper classes are quite enamored of psychoanlysis and appear more like their French counterparts than their own impoverished compatriots.
17.5.1.1. Pierre Bourdieu highlights the influence of a therapeutic discourse, particularly psychoanalysis, creating a particular ethos toward child rearing. this therapeutic ethos credits the child with a good nature which must be accepted as such, with its legitamite pleasure needs.
17.5.1.1.1. Scientific psychology and therapeutic discourse as they are currently practiced by the middle and elite classes, presently have little impact on the lives of individuals in Felicidade Eterna.
17.6. The protection of children
17.6.1. Glorias ultimate goal is to disciple her children trough harsh physical punishment and harsh words into becoming honest workers.
17.7. Childhood, oppositional culture, and resistance
17.7.1. Young men growing up in these circumstances have an extremely high mortality rate. In Rio's poor neighborhoods, homocide is the leading cause of death between the ages of 15-24.
18. Chapter 5
18.1. Crime and violence in Rio
18.1.1. Contemporary Rio is a city of extremes that provides abundant visual clues of class and racial antagonism.
18.1.1.1. Although talk about violence and crime proliferates accross classes, the forms and levels of daily violence and suffering in the city are experienced differently.
18.2. An overview of gangs
18.2.1. The danger of writing about local gangs in favela contexts is that such work could unintentionally reinforce the standard and erroneous position of middle class and elite Cariocas who consider the favelas to be the breeding ground of all criminal activity.
18.2.1.1. Drug consumption among the poorer working lass is perceived and practiced differently from that among the middle and upper classes.
18.2.1.1.1. The gangs have a seductive quality that goes beyond their involvement in the drug trade.
18.3. Drug trafficking gangs in the rio
18.3.1. The presence of the drug trafficking gangs of different organizational structures and sizes in Rio's favelas is extensive in terms of control even though most residents are not involved in the trafficking or in any other illegal pursuits.
18.3.1.1. In favelas, the drug chiefs are important local figures.
18.3.1.1.1. As a result of power struggles within the local gang and challenges from outside gangs, between 1991-1998 the favela experienced cycles of ciolence and relative calm.
18.4. Lulu and Ivo
18.4.1. The reflection on the era of Braga exhibits certain typical attitudes of residents of felicidade eterna who, given their own experiences with a wide range of police bandit relations, feel secure within the boundaries of a certain kind of relationship.
18.5. Bandits, police
18.5.1. Residents were confused about the murder. Rios gang culture is a form of organized crime, it lacks the centralization and organization and therefore the connection with the state.
18.5.1.1. the difference stems from a number of factors, including the fact that each local gang has to maintain its own local base of protection and is not guaranteed protection by larger, richer traffickers.
18.6. revenge practices
18.6.1. In areas such as the one encompassed by Felicidade Eterna and its neighboring communties, violence and murder are used by both bandits and police in the course of ordinary business.
18.6.1.1. Intimate relations exist between police, bandits, and local small scale drug traffickers. individuals are considered good or bad bandits, good or bad police. in this economy of revenge, both badnits and police acquire identities, reputations, and personal fame.
18.6.1.1.1. Many members of the police work during their off hours as death squad members, settling personal vendettas or completing business that may have started their official hours.
18.7. The solution of private matters
18.7.1. Brazilian state and municipal authorities are particuarly uninvolved in addressing an entire host of problems that people living in Felicidade deal with on a daily basis.
18.7.1.1. Sexual abuse, a case of adultry, gun control, petty theft, solution for an abusive adulterous husband,and rape of a child.
18.8. Policing in Brazil as social control of lower classes.
18.8.1. Brazilian social relations are marked by exaggerated inequality. Researchers found that the risk of being a victim of homicide in Rio is low during infancy but rises spectacularly during adolescence.
18.8.1.1. From statistics, it is clear that violence is experienced in profoundly different intensities according to socioeconomic class.
18.9. A note on oppositional culture
18.9.1. The oppositional culture that the gangs represent is a direct response to long term historically conditioned economic oppresion.
18.10. the disdain for police
18.10.1. The relationships between favela residents and the police produce a structure of regular violence practically unknown to middle and upper class citizens.
18.10.1.1. the lower classes disdain for civil and military police forces has both a historical and a contemporary explanation.
18.11. women, oppositional culture, and religions conversion
18.11.1. There are stricter religious orders have their greatest success precisely in the brown zones.
18.11.1.1. Such religios groups are in the position to actively address and specify regimes of the body.
19. Chapter 6
19.1. Sexuality in the context of local culture
19.1.1. This chapter confronts the peculiar form of maschismo that is present in places like Felicidade Eterna, one that is naturalized and normalized within the flow of everyday life and in which men and women both participate.
19.2. Discourses of sex-positiveness
19.2.1. Sexuality is central. Sexual teasing and banter are common in Felicidade Eterna. They are interesting because of what they potentially reveal about the local sexual culture.
19.2.1.1. They permeate everyday relations and allow for commentaries that might be more difficult to speak about directly.
19.3. The carnivalization of desire
19.3.1. An in depth exploration of humor in the form of sexual teasing or sexual joking leads us to an analysis of Brazilian sexuality that goes in different direction than the standard story of sexual permissiveness and sex positiveness that has been presented in academic literature and popular culture.
19.3.1.1. She suggests that there is a neglected aspect to the overtly sex positive narrative that has been emphasized by a lineage of scholars focusing on male homoeroticism and the more playful aspects of transgression.
19.4. normative masculinization and hetrosexuality
19.4.1. class-specific regimes of sexuality do exist.
19.5. sacangem, transgression and female boundary setting
19.5.1. sacanagem is an important organizing concept in the realm of brazilian sexuality. Parker describes sacanagem as linking notions of aggression and hostility, play and amusement, sexual excitement and erotic practice in a single symbolic complex.
20. chapter 7
20.1. An evening of terror in duque de caxias
20.1.1. The laughter in the following story may be the most difficult to grasp because it deals with the painful and devestating experience of rape
20.2. Battling mothers and daughters
20.2.1. All the women were talented storytellers. They highlighted their own suffering in their own narrations. Each of them managed to turn the evening of the robbery and rape into an amusing sotry that also served as a thinly disguised tale of the troubled nature of male-female relations and of everyday life.
20.3. A note on the legal universe and rape
20.3.1. Evidence fromsocial historians suggests that differences have existed between popular and elite culture on a number of scales- but especially sexuality.
20.3.1.1. While perhaps the distance between elite and popular sexuality no longer exists in this extreme form, some of the cultural norms of the dominant classes have become embedded in the legal system, making the criminal act of rape- by either an unknown or known person, as well as other crimes against women inside of family life.
20.4. Black Humor as the only response
20.4.1. Taste, when applied to the aesthetics of humor, is not a neutral concept. Humor can only be understood in its place, and its place is always circumscribed by relations of class, gender, race and sexuality.
20.4.1.1. Beyond the range of any social systems options, there is only laughter. The content of the humor- its bad taste, substantiates the possibility that these dominated classes, caught in a set of limiting circumstances, have few options beyond absurdist laughter.