1. regular epenthesis splits non-geminate sequences but is blocked from splitting geminates.
2. Special properties
2.1. resistance to epenthesis processes
2.2. resistance to lenition processes
3. Geminates inventories and distribution
3.1. Historical explanations
3.1.1. hyperarticulation of initial geminates
3.1.2. perception-based gemination of initial and final geminates
3.1.3. aerodynamics of oral stop voicing
3.2. geminate-specific constraints or conditions within the syncronic phonology are unnecessary
3.3. No clear universals relating to geminates inventories and distribution
4. Moraic and non-moraic geminates
4.1. Moraic geminates
4.1.1. expected
4.1.2. unexpected
5. Geminates integrity
6. inalterability
6.1. geminates resistance to lenition processes (voicing, spirantization, flapping, gliding or complete lose of a consonant.
6.2. geminate inalterability is a consequence of the differing signals and percepts that result when short vs. long undergo gestural reduction.
6.3. Synchronic grammars do not have a principle of geminate inalterability.
7. Antigemination
7.1. 5.1 sound patterns where phonological syncope rules are sometimes blocked from applying if their output would create a sequence of adjacent identical consonants.
7.2. 5.2 McCarthy (1986) explains this pattern as a result of OCP principle.
7.3. 5.3 Odden (1988): OCP is not a universal principle/ antigeminates is not found in certain languages
7.4. 5.4 Belvins (to appear) found that the failure of syncope can be attributed to paradigm-internal antihomophony effects
8. Length
8.1. phonetic (segmental duration)
8.1.1. gradient
8.1.2. imperceptible
8.2. phonological
8.2.1. distinction between short and long (& extra long) vowels and consonants.
8.2.1.1. long stops have one and a half to three times the acoustic closure duration of short stops in careful speech.
9. Types
9.1. True geminates
9.1.1. Single long segments with single feature bundle
9.2. False geminates
9.2.1. Sequences of identical short segments
9.2.2. (English) rat-tail / cash-shortage / felt-tip-pen
9.2.2.1. rat-tail / cash-shortage / felt-tip-pen
10. Pathways
10.1. Assimilation in CC clusters
10.1.1. Nhanda: (nhankka < nha-t-ka <nha-l-ka) vs. nhaka
10.1.1.1. combination of fortition and assimilation
10.1.2. Toba Batak: *mp > pp / *nt > tt / ...etc
10.1.2.1. oral gesture of the post nasal obstruent is anticipated --> nasal stop is produced as an oral stop.
10.2. Assimilation in VC, GC
10.2.1. Luganda: -bba (steal) < *jib/ dukka (run) < jiduk
10.2.1.1. result of historical assimilation between a consonant and a super high front vowel.
10.3. Vowel syncope between identical consonants
10.3.1. gestural reduction of unstressed vowels --> eventual loss --> geminates
10.3.2. (Austronesian Languages. Example: in Dobel, kw a - kwasa > k kwasa (crocodile) sa - sar > ssar (sandfly)
10.4. Lengthening under stress
10.4.1. a stressed syllable is longer in duration than a segmentally identical unstressed syllable.
10.4.1.1. tonic vowel lengthening
10.4.1.2. post-tonic consonant gemination
10.4.1.2.1. Swedish: consonants are long after short vowels and short elsewhere
10.4.1.2.2. Hebrew: C and V are longer in stressed syllables
10.4.1.2.3. Southern Paiute: all obstruents occur geminates after voiceless stressed vowels.
10.4.1.2.4. Norton-Sound-Unaliq (Eskimo): all consonants following a stressed schwa in open syllables are geminated
10.5. Boundary lngthening
10.5.1. a phrase-final syllable is longer in duration than a segmentally identical medial syllable.
10.5.2. consonant which are initial within a prosodic domain typically involve:
10.5.2.1. greater articulatory force
10.5.2.2. longer duration
10.5.2.3. more rigid alignment of articulatory gestures
10.5.3. Mokilese:
10.5.3.1. vowel-initial clitics trigger gemination of a preceding consonant (o "that"): wal = o / wallo
10.5.3.2. consonant-initial clitics trigger lengthening of a preceding vowel (
10.5.4. Lengthening at the constituent boundary appears to be an instance of automatic phonetic lengthening at the edge of a prosodic domain.
10.6. Reinterpretation of an obstruent voicing contrast
10.6.1. in many languages, voiceless obstruents are longer than their voiced counterparts
10.6.1.1. Laryngeal final contrast subject to phonological reanalysis, with length replacing voicing (voicing contrast reinterpreted as length contrast T> TT / D> T
10.7. Reanalysis of identical C C sequences
10.7.1. In gooniyandi (Budaban Austrailian L), no morpheme-internal geminates but across morpheme boundaries, geminate contrasts are found for all consonants