1. regular epenthesis splits non-geminate sequences but is blocked from splitting geminates.
2. Length
2.1. phonetic (segmental duration)
2.1.1. gradient
2.1.2. imperceptible
2.2. phonological
2.2.1. distinction between short and long (& extra long) vowels and consonants.
2.2.1.1. long stops have one and a half to three times the acoustic closure duration of short stops in careful speech.
3. Types
3.1. True geminates
3.1.1. Single long segments with single feature bundle
3.2. False geminates
3.2.1. Sequences of identical short segments
3.2.2. (English) rat-tail / cash-shortage / felt-tip-pen
3.2.2.1. rat-tail / cash-shortage / felt-tip-pen
4. Special properties
4.1. resistance to epenthesis processes
4.2. resistance to lenition processes
5. Geminates inventories and distribution
5.1. Historical explanations
5.1.1. hyperarticulation of initial geminates
5.1.2. perception-based gemination of initial and final geminates
5.1.3. aerodynamics of oral stop voicing
5.2. geminate-specific constraints or conditions within the syncronic phonology are unnecessary
5.3. No clear universals relating to geminates inventories and distribution
6. inalterability
6.1. geminates resistance to lenition processes (voicing, spirantization, flapping, gliding or complete lose of a consonant.
6.2. geminate inalterability is a consequence of the differing signals and percepts that result when short vs. long undergo gestural reduction.
6.3. Synchronic grammars do not have a principle of geminate inalterability.
7. Moraic and non-moraic geminates
7.1. Moraic geminates
7.1.1. expected
7.1.2. unexpected
8. Geminates integrity
9. Pathways
9.1. Assimilation in CC clusters
9.1.1. Nhanda: (nhankka < nha-t-ka <nha-l-ka) vs. nhaka
9.1.1.1. combination of fortition and assimilation
9.1.2. Toba Batak: *mp > pp / *nt > tt / ...etc
9.1.2.1. oral gesture of the post nasal obstruent is anticipated --> nasal stop is produced as an oral stop.
9.2. Assimilation in VC, GC
9.2.1. Luganda: -bba (steal) < *jib/ dukka (run) < jiduk
9.2.1.1. result of historical assimilation between a consonant and a super high front vowel.
9.3. Vowel syncope between identical consonants
9.3.1. gestural reduction of unstressed vowels --> eventual loss --> geminates
9.3.2. (Austronesian Languages. Example: in Dobel, kw a - kwasa > k kwasa (crocodile) sa - sar > ssar (sandfly)
9.4. Lengthening under stress
9.4.1. a stressed syllable is longer in duration than a segmentally identical unstressed syllable.
9.4.1.1. tonic vowel lengthening
9.4.1.2. post-tonic consonant gemination
9.4.1.2.1. Swedish: consonants are long after short vowels and short elsewhere
9.4.1.2.2. Hebrew: C and V are longer in stressed syllables
9.4.1.2.3. Southern Paiute: all obstruents occur geminates after voiceless stressed vowels.
9.4.1.2.4. Norton-Sound-Unaliq (Eskimo): all consonants following a stressed schwa in open syllables are geminated
9.5. Boundary lngthening
9.5.1. a phrase-final syllable is longer in duration than a segmentally identical medial syllable.
9.5.2. consonant which are initial within a prosodic domain typically involve:
9.5.2.1. greater articulatory force
9.5.2.2. longer duration
9.5.2.3. more rigid alignment of articulatory gestures
9.5.3. Mokilese:
9.5.3.1. vowel-initial clitics trigger gemination of a preceding consonant (o "that"): wal = o / wallo
9.5.3.2. consonant-initial clitics trigger lengthening of a preceding vowel (
9.5.4. Lengthening at the constituent boundary appears to be an instance of automatic phonetic lengthening at the edge of a prosodic domain.
9.6. Reinterpretation of an obstruent voicing contrast
9.6.1. in many languages, voiceless obstruents are longer than their voiced counterparts
9.6.1.1. Laryngeal final contrast subject to phonological reanalysis, with length replacing voicing (voicing contrast reinterpreted as length contrast T> TT / D> T
9.7. Reanalysis of identical C C sequences
9.7.1. In gooniyandi (Budaban Austrailian L), no morpheme-internal geminates but across morpheme boundaries, geminate contrasts are found for all consonants