What I've Learned About Violence Against Women & How to Address it 🩷👊🏼👩🏼‍🤝‍👩🏻 By: Gabriel...

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What I've Learned About Violence Against Women & How to Address it 🩷👊🏼👩🏼‍🤝‍👩🏻 By: Gabrielle Bordone 217146234 by Mind Map: What I've Learned About Violence Against Women & How to Address it 🩷👊🏼👩🏼‍🤝‍👩🏻         By: Gabrielle Bordone 217146234

1. INTRODUCTION. References: 1. Introduction and Chapter One by Bruckert & Law (2018); 2. "Creating Braver Spaces" by Krista Hunt, 3. Introduction Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2023)

1.1. Women are disproportionately victims of violence; this reality is referred to as gendered violence

1.1.1. Violence takes on a variety of forms; it is not just the overt, interpersonal, physical acts that we tend to focus on

1.1.1.1. Interpersonal

1.1.1.2. Institutional

1.1.1.3. Symbolic

1.1.1.4. State

1.1.1.5. Slow

1.1.1.6. Structural

1.2. The experience of violence is diverse and is based on intersecting aspects of a person's identity (e.g. class, gender, race, etc); this has been conceptualized as intersectionality by Kimberele Crenshaw (1989)

1.2.1. "Othering", stereotyping and myths about women are based off of their social location

1.2.1.1. Indigenous women as "Indian "Squaws" and "Uncivilized"

1.2.1.2. Black women as "Jezebel's" and "Mammy's"

1.2.1.2.1. A Black women's experience of violence is sometimes reffered to as misogynoir

1.2.1.3. "Dangerous and deviant" LGBTQ+ women

1.2.1.4. Claims of being "terrorists" and having a "backwards culture" leads to islamophobia for Muslim women

1.2.1.4.1. Muslim women experience a unique form of violence due to their visibility that puts them at an increased risk for victimization

1.2.1.5. Working class women and cultural disctintions, class stigma and cultural capital

1.2.2. It's important to engage in intersectional feminism to account for the expereinces of ALL women and to identify and challenge the ways in which interlocking systems of oppression impact social life.

1.3. It is important to awknowledge womens resistence

1.3.1. Creating brave spaces is important to ensusure everyones comfortability and validation

2. SAFETY WORK. References: Chapter Four and Five by Bruckert & Law (2018); 2. Safety Work Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2023)

2.1. The main point of this week was that women are responsibilized to engage in "safety work" that is hidden, habitual and repeated to avoid, prevent and manage intrusions (Hunt, 2023)

2.1.1. Intrusions are a predictable and routine aspect of a womens experience in public spaces including online, on campus and on the street

2.1.1.1. The online space denies women the ability to disengage from harassment and other new forms of gendered violence.

2.1.1.2. Women attending college and university are more at risk of becoming victims of sexual assaults and other forms of gendered violence

2.1.1.2.1. Students can resist through demanding change from their universities and by organizing events like the "Slut Walk"

2.2. The continuum of violence is significant because it exposes that we tend to focus on the overt forms of violence (e.g. rape, murder) while ignoring the more structural, social, embedded and hidden forms (e.g. sexist media, rigid gender roles)

2.3. Sexual assault is both a gendered and intersectional issue

2.3.1. There are rape-free and rape-prone socieities. The latter is hierarchal, patriarchal, has a sharp division of labour, views sex as a conquest, provides wiomen with less power, authority and political participation.

2.3.2. Sexual assault has been justified by myths and scripts like "stranger danger", "boys being boys" and "women wanting to be looked at"

2.3.2.1. Constructions of "ideal" and "real" victims and sexual assault negates victims and experiences not meeting this criteria

2.3.3. Victim-blaming occurs when the victim is held responsible for the harm they have experienced

2.4. Criminal justice responses to gendered violence are largely ineffective and often inflict further violence

2.4.1. Police are given the discretion to decide what constitutes "real rape" and what a "real victim" looks and acts like; this encounter is often re-traumatizing for the victim

2.4.2. Defence attorney's and "whacking" the complainent

2.4.3. Judiciary tends to reproduce rape myth

2.4.4. The conviction of sexual assault is low as it is deemed a "less serious" offense

3. STRUCTURES AND SYMBOLS OF VIOLENCE. References: Chapter Two and Three by Bruckert & Law (2018); 2. "Walking a Tightrope" by Jiwani (2017); 3. Structures, Symbols and Intersections of Violence Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2023)

3.1. Structural violence results from and is facilitated through structures that create and entrench inequality

3.1.1. Neoliberalism shapes a women's vulnerability to violence

3.1.1.1. There is a disparity in wealth (and therefore power) in which the majority is in the hands of the top 1%; and this top 1% is predominantly white men

3.1.1.1.1. Despite educational attainment and participation in work, most women and racialized people remain poor; the gendered and racialized division of labour helps to understand this reality

3.1.1.2. Social security is breaking down

3.1.1.2.1. Austerity measures remove services designed to assist vulenerable people as they produce a narrative of personal responsibility when it comes to disadvantage

3.2. As asserted by Foucault, knowledge cannot exist outside of power: the powerful decide what is "truth" (in their interests) that is then validated and reproduced through various apparatuses

3.2.1. Symbolic violence is the ability to create distinctions, ascribe value, affirm categories and reinforce hierarchies that permeate the social realm

3.2.1.1. Representations of women are perpetuated as "truth" and shape how they are percieved (by others and by themselves), represented, treated and known

3.2.1.1.1. Medicine deviantizes women and pathologizes their bodies

3.2.1.1.2. In buisness and politics, men are seen as more valuable and masculinity is the norm against which women are compared

3.2.1.1.3. Women are taught how to look and act through media depictions

3.3. Foucault's concept of disciplinary power helps to understand how women conduct themselves in a way that meets normative expectations and positions them favourably in regard to gender tropes and myths

3.4. The middle-class measuring rod illustrates the classed nature "ultimate femininity"

3.5. Young, racialized, immigrant women are at a heightened vulnerability to systemic and institutional violence

3.5.1. They must "walk the tightrope" between their host society and their dominant society

3.5.2. We must understand this violence from a structural analysis instead of from a skewed cultural explanation

4. SEXUAL VIOLENCE ON CAMPUS. References: 1. "'It’s not about one bad apple'; The 2007 York University Vanier Residence rapes" by Trusolino (2017); 2. "The Story of a Slut Walk: Sexuality, Race, and Generational Divisions in Contemporary Feminist Activism" by Reger (2014); 3. Sexual Violence on Campus Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2023) and Film “Slut or Nut”

4.1. Universities' play a role in creating and maintaining an environment tolerant of sexual assault and produce a climate of fear and security (Hunt, 2023; Trusolino, 2017)

4.1.1. The formation of the "self-scrutinized women" transforms the universities responsibility to protect students onto the students themselves (Trusolino, 2017)

4.1.1.1. The "autonomous woman" was developed in response and emphasizes collective responsibility over individual responsibility (Trusolino, 2017)

4.1.2. University responses to sexual violence on campus are usually self-regulation and increasing security; or doing absolutely nothing (Hunt, 2023; Trusolino, 2017)

4.2. The Slut Walk is a form of resistance that aims to re-appropriate the word "slut” and it's negative connotation (that disproportionately impacts women) through disidentification (Reger, 2014; Trusolino, 2017)

5. ACTIVE BYSTANDING. References: 1. "When Can I Help? A Conceptual Framework for the Prevention of Sexual Violence Through Bystander Intervention" by McMahon & Banyard (2012); 2. "Misogyny, Racism, and Islamophobia: Street Harassment at the Intersections" by Mason-Bish & Zempi (2018); 3. Active Bystanding Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2023)

5.1. The main point of this week was that sexual violence through active bystander intervention is essential (Hunt, 2023; McMahon & Banyard, 2012)

5.1.1. The 5 D's (direct, distract, delegate, delay, document) are important as they can help bystanders decide how to intervene based on the particular situation at hand (Hunt, 2023)

5.1.1.1. There are both reactive (risk is present) and proactive (prior to the prescense of any risk) bystanding opportunities (McMahon & Banyard, 2012)

5.1.2. While people are more likely to intervene in overt, high-risk forms of violence, low-risk forms of violence occur more frequently and are just as problematic (Mcmahon & Baynard, 2012)

5.2. Veiled Muslim women are at an increased risk of hate-motivated street harassment due to their visibility and deviation from gender norms (Mason-Bish & Zempi, 2018)

5.2.1. This has various consequences like "genderizing" the street and "sexual terrorism" (Mason-Bish & Zempi, 2018)

6. MEN, MASCULINITIES AND VIOLENCE. References: 1. "The Construction of Masculinity and the Triad of Men's Violence" by Kaufman; 2. "Some Men: Feminist Allies in the Movement to End Violence against Women" by Messner et. al ,(2015); Men, Masculinities and Male Violence Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2023)

6.1. Gendered forms of violence are disproportiantely perpetrated by men and is a ritualized expression of power dynamics in which they dominate (Kauffmen)

6.1.1. This violence must be understood within the social context that forms, restricts, and promotes male "tendency for violence," (Kauffmen)

6.1.2. The triad of male violence includes men's violence against women, men's violence against other men and men's violence against themselves (Kauffmen)

6.2. Masculinity is fragile and is what motivates gendered forms of violence (Kauffmen)

6.3. There are potential risks and potential benefits of men's increased participation and visibility in feminism (Messner et. al, 2015)

7. EDUCATION, PEDAGOGY AND VIOLENCE. References: 1. "Unsettling the Settler within: Indian Residential Schools, Truth Telling, and Reconciliation" by Regan & Taiaiake (2014); 2. "My Reasonable Response: Activating Research, MeSearch, and WeSearch to Build Systems of Healing" by Douglas (2017); 3. Education, Pedagogy and Violence Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2023)

7.1. Decolonization is key to reconciliation (Regan & Taiaiake, 2014) and is part of the solution to what we should do about the colonial problem (the "now")

7.1.1. This involves becoming "not-knowers" and taking on a "pedagocial approach" (Regan & Taiaiake, 2014)

7.1.2. This also involves deconstructing Canada's false and problematic "hero" narrative (Regan & Taiaiake, 2014)

7.1.2.1. We must engage in testimonial readings because, unlike individualized passive empathy, they allow us to take ownership of historical wrongs and act to right them (Regan & Taiaiake, 2014)

7.1.3. White-feminism must be problematized

7.2. We must awknowledge that, despite movement towards equality, racism persists and creates obstacles to success and equality (Douglas, 2017)

7.2.1. "Fish in the Lake" Metaphor

7.3. There are three types of "searching" for details about life's phenomena: re- me- and we-search (Douglas, 2017)

8. COLONIAL VIOLENCE. References: 1. Chapter Twelve by Bruckert & Law (2018); 2. "National Inquiry Into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. Reclaiming Power and Place: Executive Summary of the Final Report" by Government of Canada Publications; 3. Colonial Violence Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2023)

8.1. Colonialism led to the erosion women's status and rights (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

8.2. The Indian Act gave rise to the most prominent system of forced cultural assimilation-the residential school system-that attempted to address the "Indian problem" by eradicating Indigenous people through cultural assimilation where children adopted a Christian way of life (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

8.2.1. The assimilationist goals and constructing "bad mothers" of residential schools are quite similar to that of child welfare (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

8.3. The epidemic of violence against Indigenous women (e.g. missing and murdered) evidences how colonialism continues today (Bruckert & Law, 2018; Government of Canada Publications; Hunt, 2023)

8.3.1. Laws, state institutions, and their agents (e.g. police, child welfare) reinforce the myths and stereotypes that portray Indigenous women as, for example promiscuous and bad mothers (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

8.3.1.1. Indigenous women have resisted by pushing the government to change discriminatory laws, policies, and practices through the use of Canadian and international courts (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

8.3.2. Colonial violence should be viewed as a health determinant (having a significant influence on the health of Indigenous women) that is interconnected with other determinants (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

9. STATE VIOLENCE. References: 1. Chapter Eleven by Bruckert & Law (2018); 2. "We Want More Justice For Breonna Taylor Than The System That Killed Her Can Deliver" by Kabe & Ritchie (2020); 3. "The Mass Incarceration of Indigenous Women in Canada: A Colonial Tactic of Control and Assimilation" by Marques & Monchalin; 4. State Violence Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2023)

9.1. Privilege is the undeserved advantages given to "superior" (dominant) individuals that are viewed as normal, unexceptional, and intrinsic (Bruckert and Law, 2018). The government, its proxies, and its institutions (such as the legal system) target, discredit, and deny state protection to women who defy gender, class, and racialized norms (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

9.1.1. The criminal justice system is not gender, class or race blind (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

9.1.1.1. Constructions and profiling of “criminal” and “risky” women are infused with discriminatory scripts that lead to racial, social and gendered profiling (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

9.1.1.1.1. Intersectionally marginalized women are more vulnerable to violence at the hands of the police because they have been profiled as “risky” (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

9.1.1.2. The law serves as a tool to maintain race, gender, and class inequality (e.g. decides who is a credible and who is an uncedible victim) and furthers the agendas of dominant groups (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

9.1.1.3. The carceral system experience is shaped by ones social location e.g. for Indigenous women, it is a sort of "colonial 2.0" (Marques & Monchalin)

9.1.1.3.1. The carceral system classifies women as either dangerous (who cannot be saved) or reformable victims of circumstance. This distinction is problematically made based on her social location instead of actual behaviour (Bruckhert & Law, 2018)

10. RESISTANCE AND DECOLOINIZATION References: 1. "Age, Race, Class and Sex: Women Defining Difference" by Lorde (1998); 2. "Toward a Decolonial Feminism" by Lugones (2010; 3. "Journeys Towards Decolonization" by Walia (2014); 4. Resistance and Decolonization Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2023)

10.1. I feel that it is important to talk about resistance and decolonization because this is the "now": it is what we can do to effect positive change. Instead of simply pointing out the problems, coming up with solutions helps us not to lose hope, to not succumb to a victim mentality and to empower people to fight back against injustices

10.2. Modernity has conditioned us to categorize differences among people as a binary opposition (e.g. good/bad) (Lorde, 1998; Lugones, 2010). The mythical norm conceptualizes superiority: those who are “white, thin, male, young, heterosexual, christian, and financially secure,” (Lorde, 1998, p.111)

10.2.1. The "coloniality of gender" lies at the intersection of gender/class/race and involves the way women are classified in terms of power and gender (Lugones, 2010)

10.2.1.1. In order to fight against oppression in unity, we must acknowledge difference (Lorde, 1998)

10.2.1.2. The coloniality of gender can be resisted and combated by decolonial feminism (Lugones, 2010)

10.3. Another form of resistance is decolonizing structural colonialism. This would involve recognizing that we benefit from the illegitimate takeover of Indigenous jurisdiction and the illegal settlement of their lands is the first step towards decolonizing (Walia, 2014).

10.3.1. This would involve decolonizing social relationships through healing and emotional justice because capitalism and colonialism, in contrast, embrace isolation (Walia, 2014)

11. I'M AFRAID OF MEN & INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE. References: 1. " I'm Afraid of Men" by Shraya (2018); 2. Chapter Six by Bruckert & Law (2018); 3. “‘I Wasn’t a Priority, I Wasn’t a Victim’: Challenges in Help Seeking for Transgender Survivors of Intimate Partner Violence” by Guadalupe-Diaz & Jasinski (2017); 4. “Survivors in the Margins: The Invisibility of Violence Against Older Women” by Crockett et. al (2015); 5. I'm Afriad of Men & Intimate Partner Violence Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2024)Vivek Shraya

11.1. I really enjoyed reading "I'm Afraid of Men" by Shraya (2018)! As a queer brown woman, her perspective was very insightful, and she contributed a lot of important points and perspectives regarding gendered violence and how to deal with it (as well as touching on a lot of the concepts we have already spoken about)

11.1.1. “I’m afraid of men because it was men who taught me to fear. I’m afraid of men because it was men who taught me to fear the word girl by turning it into a weapon they used to hurt me. I’m afraid of men because it was men who taught me to hate and eventually destroy my femininity. I’m afraid of men because it was men who taught me to fear the extraordinary parts of myself,” (Shraya, 2018)

11.1.2. “I have always been disturbed by this transition, by the reality that often the only way to capture someone’s attention and to encourage them to recognize their own internal biases (and to work to alter them) is to confront them with sensational stories of suffering. Why is my humanity only seen or cared about when I share the ways in which I have been victimized and violated?,” (Shraya, 2018)

11.1.3. “This praise highlights another problem with the idea of the "good man"—the bar is ultimately a low one, and men are heralded every day for engaging in basic acts of domestic labour like washing dishes. It is this low bar that also renders the experiences I've shared unexceptional and therefore so often unnoticed. Sexist comments, intimidation, groping, violating boundaries, and aggression are seen as merely "typical" for men. But "typical" is dangerously interchangeable with "acceptable." "Boys will be boys," after all,” (Shraya, 2018)

11.1.4. What Now?

11.1.4.1. “If we want masculinity to be different, we must confront and tackle the baseline instead of longing for exceptions. Loving your mother...being a good listener, or even being a feminist doesn't make a man an exception. Experiencing oppression— including racism, homophobia, and transphobia—doesn't make a man an exception. If we are invested in perpetuating and glorifying the myth of the "good man," we are also complicit in overlooking, if not permitting, the reprehensible behaviour of the "typical man”," (Shraya, 2018)

11.1.4.2. “The history and current state of western masculinity is predicated on diminishing and desecrating the feminine, therefore, healthier masculinity must be one that honors and embraces femininity as many non-western cultures have long prescribed,” (Shraya, 2018)

11.2. The clearest point in the reading was that intimate partner violence is gendered: men are disproportionately perpetrators, women are disproportionately victims, and there are gender-specific differences in the incidence, severity, consequences and context of this crime (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

11.2.1. It is also intersectional; rates of IPV are much higher for marginalized women because IPV is a product of power and inequality (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

11.2.1.1. LGBTQ+ victims of IPV must "walk the gender tightrope,": shame and isolation brought on by homophobia, heterosexism, and transphobia provide more opportunities for abuse (e.g. using wrong pronouns on purpose to hinder self-esteem), structurally disadvantage LGBTQ victims and create unique obstacles to help-seeking (Guadalupe-Diaz & Jasinski, 2017)

11.2.1.2. Eldery women's experiences of IPV have largely been neglected due to definitional problems; causing their unique experiences (shaped by generational variables) to be ignored (Crockett et. al, 2015)

11.3. The impacts of intimate partner violence extend far beyond the physical (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

11.4. The criminal justice response to IPV is ineffective and potentially harmful; pro-charging and no-drop policies are implemented regardless of victim’s wishes (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

11.4.1. Gendered myths, misconceptions and prejudices continue to shape response to IPV including what constitues a (ideal) victim (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

11.4.2. The criminal justice defense of women syndrome is problematic because it individualizes the issue, implies that there is a common reaction to abuse that takes the shape of identifiable symptoms, minimizes diversity and discredits agency and resistance (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

12. WORKPLACE VIOLENCE. References: 1. Chapter Seven and Eight by Bruckert & Law (2018); 2. "‘But it's Your Job to be Friendly’: Employees Coping with and Contesting Sexual Harassment from Customers in the Service Sector" by Good & Cooper (2018); 3. “Carceral Feminism: The Failure of Sex Work Prohibition” by Maynard; 4. Workplace Violence Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2024)

12.1. Gendered violence in the workplace, such as sexual harassment and bullying, frequently goes unchallenged and is pervasive due to inadequate reform (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

12.1.1. Too frequently, sexual harassment at work is accepted as normal and written off as a joke or harmless flattery (Bruckert & Law, 2018). This can lead to victim-blaming (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

12.2. Workplace harassment also takes on more subtle, but just as powerful, forms, which are called microagressions (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

12.3. Workplaces are saturated in power relations, and there are four main categories of violence (predatory, situational, worker-on-worker, and perosnal) (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

12.3.1. Predatory violence involves criminal acts committed by individuals who have no relationship to the victim or the workplace (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

12.3.1.1. Sex workers are frequent victims of predatory violence that is facilitated by counterproductive laws put in place for their "protection" (Bruckert & Law, 2018; Maynard)

12.3.2. Situational violence is client/customer-initiated, which is particularly gendered as women disproportionately occupy careers involving interactions with the public (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

12.3.2.1. Because customers are discouraged by the workplace environment and norms from filing formal complaints, they turn to informal coping mechanisms and short-term contestations (Good & Cooper, 2018)

12.3.2.2. Workers can find it difficult defining worker-customer boundaries and therefore harassment (Good & Cooper, 2018)

12.3.2.3. The responsibility to stay safe has been downloaded onto workers (Bruckert & Law, 2018; Good & Cooper)

12.4. Workplace violence can be understood as slow violence, occuring gradually over time and space (it is caused by structural factors i.e. employers failure to lessen long term health impacts of work) (Bruckert & Law, 2018; Hunt, 2024)

13. MEDIA. References: 1. “Enduring Themes and Silences in Media Portrayals of Violence Against Women” by Easteal et. al, (2015); 2. “Speaking ‘unspeakable Things’: Documenting Digital Feminist Responses to Rape Culture” by Keller et. al, (2018); 3. “#SayHerName: Using Digital Activism to Document Violence Against Black Women” by Williams (2016); 4. Media Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2024)

13.1. The media's influence on violence against women has both positive and negative potentials (Easteal et. al, 2015; Keller et. al, 2018)

13.1.1. Positive: provides a space for voices that have a difficult time being heard in mainstream media (e.g. activists, feminists) (Easteal et. al, 2015; Keller et. al, 2018)

13.1.2. Negative: provides a space for new forms of gendered violence (Easteal et. al, 2015; Keller et. al, 2018)

13.1.3. Negative: media representations on gendered violence tend to be biased and skewed (Easteal et. al, 2015)

13.1.3.1. There are three types of problematic framing around gendered violence: (1) isolation, (2) implying that victims are fundamentally unique and not like the rest of us, and (3) highlighting that those impacted are not just the victim and the offender (e.g. children, other community members) (Esteal et. al, 2015)

13.1.3.1.1. The media also produces and reproducing ideas around "ideal" victims (Esteal et. al, 2015)

14. REGULATING BODIES. References: 1. Chapter Ten by Bruckert & Law (2018); 2. The Fat Studies Reader by Rothblum & Solovay (2009); 3. “Racism, Birth Control and Women’s Rights” by Davis (2019); 4. Regulating Bodies Lecture given by Krista Hunt (2024)

14.1. “One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman,” through social processes (Bruckert & Law, 2018, p.223)

14.1.1. Women’s beauty is “imperative,” (Bruckert & Law, 2018, p.223) and our bodies are constantly interpreted and compared to beauty standards, gender stereotypes, and sexual scripts

14.1.1.1. This reality achieves the profit-accumulation goals of capitalism at women's expense (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

14.1.1.2. "Fat" women experience violence in ways that are unique to their size, and are specifically targeted because of their size (Rothblum & Solovay, 2009)

14.2. Women of different social backgrounds have surprisingly not united in support of the birth control movement, and movement leaders have not addressed their unique concerns (specifically those of working-class and racialized women) (Davis, 2019)

14.2.1. This is because of the movement's underlying ideologies and the background of birth control for working-class women and women of colour (Davis, 2019)

15. RESTORATIVE JUSTICE. References: 1. “Feminist Engagement with Restorative Justice” by Daly & Stubbs (2006); 2. “I Just Wanted Him to Hear Me: Sexual Violence and the Possibilities of Restorative Justice” by McGlynn et. al, (2012)

15.1. As we have learned, the criminal “justice” system is limited in responding to gendered and sexual violence i.e. fails to honour the victim-survivors experience (McGlynn et. al, 2012)

15.1.1. Restorative justice may be used as an additional option in these cases (Daly & Stubbs, 2006; McGlynn et. al, 2012)

15.1.1.1. Potential Benefits: more 'effective' justice and thereaptuic advantages (Daly & Stubbs, 2006; McGlynn et. al, 2012)

15.1.1.1.1. RJ gives the victim an opportunity to be heard and in turn empowered and validated (Daly & Stubbs, 2006; McGlynn et. al, 2012)

15.1.1.1.2. The offender takes responsibility for their actions, which in turn reduces victim-blaming (Daly & Stubbs, 2006; McGlynn et. al, 2012)

15.1.1.1.3. RJ offers an alternative to the criminal "justice" system that has harmed-and continues to harm-marginalized individuals (Daly & Stubbs, 2006)

15.1.1.2. Potential Problems: jeopardizes victim-survivor safety and can lead to re-victimization (Daly & Stubbs, 2006; McGlynn et. al, 2012)

15.1.1.2.1. The RJ process can place pressure on victims (Daly & Stubbs, 2006)

15.1.1.2.2. The process can have symbolic implications like trivializing gendered violence (Daly & Stubbs, 2006)

15.1.1.2.3. Restorative justice has been criticized for being another "white" justice model (Daly & Stubbs, 2006)

16. TRANSFORMATIVE JUSTICE. References: 1. “Beyond Restorative Justice” by Smith (2010); 2. "Reparations Now Toolkit" by M4BL (2019); 3. “Moving Past Punishment” by Kaba & Nopper (2021)

16.1. Communities of colour have experienced gender violence caused largely by the state (Smith, 2010). Women of color's unique history and present-day experiences with violence must be considered in any strategy used to address this issue (Smith, 2010)

16.1.1. It is contradictory to rely on the state to resolve problems is contributes in creating (Smith, 2010)

16.1.1.1. Political organization and transformative justice, which is predicated on bringing about social systemic change through providing alternatives to criminal justice and state interventions, is necessary to put an end to gendered (and other) forms of violence (Smith, 2010)

16.1.1.1.1. Significance of the Chicago Reparation Ordinance: exemplifies how difficult and inadequate implementation tends to be (M4BL, 2019)

17. ACTION PROJECT (3). References: 1. Chapter Nine by Bruckert & Law (2018); 2. “Self-Determination and Indigenous Women’s Rights at the Intersection of International Human Rights” by Kuokkanen (2012)

17.1. The manifestation and effects of violence is determined by an individual's social location and life conditions (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

17.1.1. The several categories of violence that overlap and intersect (interpersonal, symbolic, slow, state, and structural) are interrelated and manifest in a variety of settings e.g. households, workplaces, institutions (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

17.1.1.1. Example: the experiences of migrant women workers with workplace abuse and harassment are complicated by their dependancy on employers and uncertain immigration status (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

17.1.1.2. Example: Indigenous women experience violence and have their rights violated in unique ways as a result of their identity as both Indigenous and women (Kuokkanen, 2012)

17.2. In addition to potentially causing harm, criminal justice responses and state policies around gendered violence often fail to sufficiently consider the agency, diversity of identities, behaviours, and needs of women (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

17.3. It is important to distinguish between gendered FORMS of violence against Indigenous women and the gendered EFFECTS of violence against indigenous communities as a whole (Kuokkanen, 2012)

17.4. While victims of gendered violence bear a large portion of the harms associated with it, the ramifications of the abuse spread throughout society, impacting people who are not directly involved targets (Bruckert & Law, 2018)

18. TRAUMA AND HEALING. References: 1. “The Healing Power of Art in Intergenerational Trauma” Swain (2019); 2. “#MeToo and the Politics of Collective Healing: Emotional Connection as Contestation” by Page & Archy (2020); 3. “A Litany for Survival” by Lorde

18.1. Systematic (as well as other forms) of racism have a long history and persist today (Swain, 2019)

18.1.1. Conversations around these realities have been prevented by a mistrust of systems (e.g. healthcare) in the Black community and stereotypes that work to suppress them (especially Black women) (Swain, 2019)

18.1.1.1. Disability arts can help to resolve these problems (Swain, 2019)

18.2. To achieve "mass" healing, a feminist politics based on communal healing is essential (Archy & Page, 2020)