Race in Latin America Part Two

Get Started. It's Free
or sign up with your email address
Race in Latin America Part Two by Mind Map: Race in Latin America Part Two

1. Racial Ideas and Social Policy in Brazil, 1870-1940

1.1. Brazil received more African slaves than any other country in the Americas.

1.1.1. Intellectual and political elite's predominant racial ideas and attendant social policies starting from 1870

1.1.2. 1888 abolition of slavery was close to end

1.1.3. 1940 scientific racism had lost its sway but Brazil couldn't find how to describe and debate its race

1.2. The Whitening Ideal.

1.2.1. In 1870 race was best compared to predominant social ideology. This relationship is known as twofold. 1870 Brazilian elite accepted an identifiable ideology of development . This is a form of liberalism. Liberalism is the calling for secularization of the state (from schools, cemeteries, to marriage), the abolition of al restraints on individual freedom, as well as the decentralization of government. An obvious restraint of freedom was slavery. Race was seldom. Liberals often spoke about slaves. 1870 Brazil had a significan percentage of free Afro-Brazilians all around their country. A census of 1872 listed about 38% whites and 28% black. The remainder were mulattos. Mulattos are known as "par do" in the Brazilian taxonomy. What, then, did Brazilian intellectual and political elite think about race between 1870 and 1888? First, virtually no one believed in the simple theory of biological inferiority, so abolitionists only rarely tried to refute racist doctrines. Second, abolitionists did worry about the large, illiterate, unskilled mass represented by the slaves. Third, abolitionists believed that miscegenation would gradually and inexorably "whiten" and thereby "upgrade" the Brazilian population.

1.2.2. A question that they often asked themselves was, How can one summarize thought about the Afro-Brazilian before 1888? Abolitionist believed that slavery, economic, and political drag on the nation'd development.

1.2.3. After 1888 history of Brazilian. The thought about race changed after abolition.

1.2.4. Brazilian social thinkers now faced a difficult task: How could they evaluate the "scientific" race theories beings being imported from Europe and, to a lesser extent, from North America? Anthropological theories "proving" Aryan superiority by measuring cranial capacity, reinforced by social-Darwinist in England and the United States. The Black were whom were studied. An example, Nina Rodrigues a pioneer attempted to catalogue African social customs as they transmitted to Brazil by the slaves. Brazilians intellectuals picked up racist ideas from books by European racist.

1.2.5. Whitening ideology, that accepted the mulatto but not the black, had an advantage for uneasy Brazilian intellectuals, however it compromise with racist determinism.

1.2.6. Hoe did acceptance of the criticism grow? Antiracism became a target of the new nationalist thought. For example, Alberto Torres and Alvaro Bomilcar were nationalist prophets. Torres had a different idea about nationalist position after he refuted the theory of white superiority. 1919 one finds many more intellectuals openly contesting racist ideas. 1920-1930s Brazil saw consolidation of the whitening ideal and its implicit acceptance by social critics and idea makers.

1.2.7. In 1920s the whitening thesis received its systematic statement from F.J. Oliceira Vianna. Vianna is a lawyer-historian who became one of the most widely read interpreters of Brazilian reality between wars. She also made degrees of inferiority. Vianna was important because she was a transitional figure. Bridging the gap between the scientific racism prevailing before 1914 and the environmentalist-social philosophy predominant until after 1930. Both eras of whitening was elite's de facto racial goal. She explained the historical origins of the process that made his work comprehensible to his readers.

1.3. Immigration Policy

1.3.1. Public health campaigners, Scientific antiracists, and later the enthusiasts of Afro-Braziliana gave a new dimension to the debate over Brazil's ethnic future, the whitening ideal remained firmly entrenched among political elite. This demonstrated how concern they were about immigration.

1.3.2. Two congressional deputies, Andrade Bezerra and Cincinnato Braga believed that strong action was needed to introduced a bill to prohibit entrance to Brazil. Fidelis Reis was attacked by deputies for his racism as Bezerra and Braga had

1.3.3. Politicians and intellectuals argued the government had to make his decision. 1921 Brazilian consuls in U.S. began, on Foreign Ministry orders. The systematically refusing immigrant visas to U.S. black applicants.\

1.4. Brazilian Reaction to Nazism: A Digression

1.4.1. 1930s Hitler's Germany brought racism that suggested racist ideas were not as dead as recent intellectual trends in Brazil might indicate.

1.4.2. Nazism brought a sharp response from the new generation of Brazilian intellectuals There were 12 known writers that were worried on October 1935 to the problem the "Manifesto against Racial Prejudice". It was a warning that "transplanting of racist ideas and especially of their social and political correlates" was a danger for the country of Brazil.

1.5. Epilogue: Whitening- An Anachronistic Racial Ideal?

1.5.1. People still believed the thought that whites were better and that Brazil was getting whiter, elite spokesmen after 1930s gained satisfaction and confidence from scientific consensus that black was not inherently worse.

1.5.2. What have Brazilians said about their ethnic identity since early 1950s? There has been a tendency that no problem exists in their country. The census collected no data according to race.

1.5.3. There was a small black power movement that center in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo that began 1970s ti challenge aggressive myth racial democracy.

2. Race in Argentina and Cuba, 1880-1930: Theory, Policies, and Popular Reaction

2.1. The end of 19th century many Hispanic America entered a period of economic growth.

2.1.1. There were massive exports, public works, railroad, electrification of some sections of the capitals and new factories had changes that gave elites of modernization. Modernization was limited to minority but mostly to major cities. Modernization meant almost nothing but had a bit increase in the cost of living, loss of land, proletarianization, and exploitation.

2.1.2. Hispanic American intellectuals were influenced by positivism, social Darwinism, geographical determinism, and racial theories emanating from Europe. Racism- "rationalized pseudo-scientific theory positing the innate and permanent inferiority of nonwhites"as well as European colonialism and U.S. imperialism. Racial problems pervaded countless essays in Hispanic American that concentrated in the Indian dilemma, black question, consequences of cross-breeding, or possible emergence of a new Latin American race. Racial Theories embraced Hispanic American elite until 1920s with some exceptions.

2.1.3. By 1900 Argentina almost completed one century of Independence. It had became a nation of predominantly European stock, which was possibem massive immigration, wars of extermination against Indians, and drowning of the blacks in the immigrant waves.

2.1.4. Cuba only achieved Independence from Spain in 1898, thanks to heavy participation in liberation wars of Afro-Cubans on side of Creoles. Almost a century after Argentina's Independence Cuba face problem of building a nation with different ethnic balance. No project of racial integration, however, emerged from Creole leading class. The old hope of Cuban politician and prominent abolitionist José Antonio Saco that blacks would disappear once the slave trade ended because of massive white immigration and miscegenation.

2.2. Race Theorizing in Argentina: The Glorification of "Whitening"

2.2.1. Argentina's rapid ethnic change, coupled with its economic expansion that led intellectuals to glorify the Europenization of their country,has vast space, fertile land, and mainly white population, no doubt it was playa leading role in the world of tomorrow.

2.2.2. There is three intellectuals who were broadly read in Argentina and all around Latin America, where they served as models for other essayists. (1811-1888) Statesman and educator Domingo Faustino Sarmiento who pointed to race as accounting for multitude of Latin American problems. (1875-1918) Lawyer and educationalist Carlos Octavio Bunge wrote Nuestra América in 1903, a book almost forgotten today about famous at the time. (1877-1925) Physician and sociologist José Ingenieros who is little studied for his racial theorizing.

2.2.3. In Nuestra América Carlos Octavio Bunge aimed at a global analysis of Latin America focusing on what he considered to be a key problem, its ethnic composition. He padded his pages with contradictions, personal justifications, and many non racist allegations, pretended to build a theory of concordance between physical and psychological characteristics. Burge like Samiento believed in superiority of blacks over Indians in the struggle for life. Nuestra América was aim to describe the illness of the continent, Burge did not give much attention to possible remedies. He proposed education, cultural Europeanization, and hard work, all three contradicting, in fact, his deterministic theory relating race to psychology.

2.3. From Racism to Xenophobia in Argentina

2.3.1. Whitening of Argentina through immigration had been a fast process.

2.3.2. By the end of 19th century, the themes of blacks, Indians, and miscegenation were losing their currency in favor of the debates regarding immigrants. Indians were considered most challenging enemy of Argentinean civilization until early 1800s.

2.3.3. By 1890 most of Argentina's Indians had been killed or enslaved by forcibly incorporated into army, taken by soldiers as concubines, assigned to sugar mills as peons or to Buenos Aires' families as servants. A few Indians were confined to reservations and some managed to escape.

2.3.4. In the 1880s the Indian ads and blacks became insignificant minorities and immigration became a major social issue. Nature of immigration became evolved as a consequence of two factors, both worsening level civil service, or as washerwomen and musicians. Indians were considered most challenging enemy of Argentinean civilization until early 1880s.

2.3.5. Leaders of the nationalist educational movement were writer Ricardo Rojas (1882-1957) and physician and writer Jose Maria Ramos Mejia (1849-1914. Immigration had been the panacea for the country's problems during 19th century, by 1920 it was replaced by education. They argued that only by compulsory public education with stressed patriotism, Spanish language and heritage, national history and geography along with civics would both the rural areas and the immigrants be integrated into the supposedly try Argentina.

2.4. Racial Thought in Cuba: The refusal of the African Component

2.4.1. After Independence, Cuba's Creole elite followed Argentina's model of nation building even with differences. The ruling class chose to reinforce the Hispanic component of the population through immigration rather than to unify nation.

2.4.2. The Afro-Cuban intellectuals were not sufficiently strong to warrant the recognition of the Creole elite. The Creole elite was not ready to share power with the Afro-cubans after independence.

2.4.3. Race was indeed an omnipresent theme in the writing of the Cuban Creole elite of the early 20th century. Two intellectuals were Francisco Figueras and Fernando Ortiz Fernandez. Francisco wrote an unusual global interpretation of Cuba's Problems that inspiredly Bunge Cuba y su evolution colonial. Figueras tried to prove their racial incapacity to form an in depended republic. According to Figueras, natural selection would eventually lead to absorption of the blacks by the supers race, but long term evolution slowed by the persistence of an important nucleus of self-reproducing blacks.

2.5. The Ideal of whitening was so strong among the Creole elite families that intermarriage of one of their members with an Afro-Cuban would have been considered an outrage.

2.6. White Policies and Black Responses in Cuba

2.6.1. Two major concessions were made to nonwhites, the constitution of 1901 gave them equality (without specifying race, sex, place of birth, or religion) and universal male suffrage, Many policies aimed at segregating blacks such as restaurants, clubs. and public parks. Often segregation was even applied to presidential receptions held during Tomas Estrada Palmas tenure in 1902 to 1905 where wives of blacks senator and two black congressmen were not invited to meetings =. In 1899 revolutionary army dissolved, blacks and mulattos were overrepresented and replaced by white- commanded Rural Guard.

2.6.2. Immigration Law imposed on Cuba by the U.S. in 1902 that prohibited Chinese immigration and restricted that of non-whites, was strengthened by the Law of Immigration and Colonization in 1906

2.6.3. The ideal of whitening was so strong among the Creole elite families that intermarriage of one of members with an Afro-Cuban would be considered an outrage. Radicalization was rapidly growing among new generations of Afro-Cuban nationalists not ready to hold back their claims to justice in the name of Cuban unity.

2.6.4. After 1912 racism directed Afro-Cubans to use new expedients such as struggle against witchcraft and against Haitian and Jamaican immigration. About 900,000 Spaniards and Canary Islanders emigrated to Cuba between 1900 and 1929.

2.6.5. Groups of black intellectuals organized to achieve integration.

2.7. A comparative Perspective: Scientific Racism, Social Reality, and the Intellectual

2.7.1. Argentina and Cuba are 2 countries in which after their independence the Creole elite decided to build predominantly white nation by massive European immigration. Argentina succeeded while Cuba failed in 1930. Both of the countries has the labor market together with the intellectuals or the policymakers determined who was to immigrate.

2.7.2. One of the most striking feature of Argentinean and Cuban scientific racism was its relationship with society. When scientific racism threatened ruling class interests, it was quick to distance itself from this doctrine.

2.7.3. Something important of the relationship between racial thought and social structure is the acceptance of scientific racism in the nascent is progressive circles of Latin America.