Laughter out of Place

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Laughter out of Place by Mind Map: Laughter out of Place

1. Introduction

1.1. HARD LAUGHTER

1.1.1. Observing life in Brazilian "favelas" or shantytowns, it becomes evident that "state and local processes often seem detached and oddly indirect; they appear most of the time as vague burdensome shadows, becoming solid and 'real' only through the routine and visceral engagements with the embodied effects of power" (Goldstein 1)

1.1.2. "In the shantytowns, one gets the almost overwhelming sense that it is not one's place to participate in these processes or engage in dialogue with them. Residents feel largely divorced from these 'outside' forces, except as a generalized target of them" (Goldstein 1)

1.1.3. "These forces and the power they bring to bear, simply do not belong to the poor" (Goldstein 2)

1.1.4. During her time spent with residents of the favelas, Goldstein witnessed a constant presence of laughter and humor despite the depressing conditions of poverty. According to her observations "This humor was a kind of running commentary about the political and economic structures...an indirect dialogue, sometimes critical, often ambivalent, always (at least partially) hidden, about the contraditions of poverty in the midst of late capitalism" (2)

1.2. WORDS FLY AWAY

1.2.1. "humor....opened up a window onto the complicated consciousness of lives that were burdened by their place within the racial, class, gender, and sexual hierarchies that inform the social world" (Goldstein 3, 4)

1.2.2. Goldstein became especially acquainted with the impoverished urban women of the favelas, what she refers to as the "largely nonliterate, urban, historically oppressed population" who "represented examples of contemporary women's popular culture, one that has few direct opportunities for self expression" (4) According to Goldstein "Humor provided one of the few vehicles for giving voice to this group of women who have very little access to the public sphere so exalted in theoretical writings about democratic governance" (4)

1.2.3. "Women's popular culture in Rio is not only largely oral but also predominantly inaccessible in an obviously public form" (Goldstein 4)

1.2.4. Goldstein claims that her role as a female anthropologist afforded her a unique place among who she calls the "laughing people": women and children who made each other laugh through storytelling. Her position enabled her to learn about their particular lives; lives which, according to her studies were "informed and constrained by the hierarchies in which they find themselves embedded"(5)

1.2.5. "This book, then, at its core, is about power relations and how they are experienced by the poor" (Goldstein 5)

1.2.6. "Humor is a vehicle for expressing sentiments that are difficult to communicate publicly or that point to areas of discontent in social life...Humor is one of the fugitive forms of insubordination" (Goldstein 5)

1.3. BITTER TRUTHS, HIDDEN TRANSCRIPTS

1.3.1. "humor was often a survivalist response to the vicissitudes of life (Oring 1984; Koller 1988)" (Goldstein 6)

1.3.1.1. )

1.3.2. In discussing the people, or characters, whom she includes in this book, Goldstein claims that "their humor is inspired within cruel and unusual political and economic circumstances that nevertheless allow them to make fun of the absurdity of their situation...It forms part of a shared oppositional aesthetic forged within a class-polarized context" (6)

1.3.3. "the idea that behind the subtle and various guises of humor lies an essential aggressiveness has become commonplace" (Goldstein 6)

1.3.4. "laughter may be a powerful, though fugitive act of insubordination" (Goldstein 7)

1.3.5. "Humor, through its aggressive impulse, is a form of power" (Goldstein 7)

1.3.6. "The hidden transcripts of the powerless are disguised forms of resistance that 'insinuate' a critique of power" (Goldstein 7)

1.3.7. "Humor, as an expression and deployment of (class) power, is potentially both conservative and liberatory" (Goldstein 7)

1.3.8. "As a deployment of power, however weak or limited, dissent challenges the status quo" (Goldstein 8)

1.3.9. "'humor is a very human way of putting such [hidden] truths on record'" (Goldstein 8)

1.4. RESISTING RESISTANCE: SAHLINS (STILL) WAITING FOR FOUCAULT

1.4.1. "Jokes are as powerful as a window into the trials and tribulations of the psyche as dreams" (Goldstein 9)

1.4.2. "While it is true that an act cannot be termed resistance merely because it took place in the context of domination, it is important to realize that every act is mitigated through class position and is implicitly a class act, ultimately political in the sense that every act, as well as the analytical practices we employ to understand these practices, reflects, reinforces and enacts class relations" (Goldstein 9)

1.4.3. "hegemony...that predominance of ruling-class interests and of the acceptance of those interests as commonsense by those subordinated to those interest - is, quite literally 'habit forming'" (Goldstein 9)

1.5. BLACK HUMOR, CLASS, AND CARNIVALESQUE LAUGHTER

1.5.1. "Because humor is connected to the sensibilities of a particular group, it is intimately connected to one's position within the class structure" (Goldstein 10)

1.5.2. "The humor of particular classes plays an important role in boundary formation and the reinforcement of class positions, hierarchies, and structures. Through laughter....one's naturalized and proper 'place' within the social structure is outlined and reinforced as well as contested" (Goldstein 10)

1.5.3. "In humor, 'characteristic expressions of individual minds, class habits, and cultural styles' are embedded" (Goldstein 10)

1.5.4. According to Goldstein's experiences, "The black humor I came to know in the Brazilian shantytowns was a discourse created by the poor and used against the wealthier classes" (10)

1.5.5. "These popular aesthetic forms - including those of o povo in the Brazilian context - represent a form of 'bad taste'" (Goldstein 11)

1.5.6. "the carnivalesque aesthetic...is not merely cornered within the popular classes; rather, it provides convincing evidence of....the interactions and exchanges between popular and elite cultural aesthetics" (Goldstein 11, 12)

1.5.7. In discussing the humor of the lower class women whom she presents in this book, Goldstein claims that "the humor of these classes is at least partially traceable to the suffering they experience in everyday life" (12)

1.5.8. "The elite classes exhibit a similar sense of black humor, and their stories reflect a knowledge of misery in their midst, but it is usually a distanced misery...their suffering has different roots and different consequences" (Goldstein 12)

1.5.9. "There is a direct relationship between the materiality of the misery and the aesthetic form, whereas among the middle and elite classes who dominate through their position in the social structure, it is a second-order aesthetic...the lives that produce black humor are lives that are themselves plagued by particular kinds of tragedy and suffering, caused in large part by their material conditions" (Goldstein 12)

1.5.10. "The black-humored commentaries of the subordinated classes are windows into the sense of injustice oppressed peoples feel about their conditions. While those with power act out a theater of majesty, wealth, and domination, those with less power act out a 'counter-theatre' of objection, defiance, and absurdity" (Goldstein 13)

1.6. WHISTLING PAST THE GRAVEYARD OF THE COLD WAR OF CLASS

1.6.1. "One could name Brazil as that place where the extremities of radical inequality seem to effortlessly remain in place, exhibiting almost none of the strain often seen blatantly cracking the surface of other places where similar inequality is evidenced" (Goldstein 14)

1.6.1.1. the extremities of radic

1.6.2. In describing the condition of the lower, working class women of Brazil, Goldstein explains that "part of the problem these women face is that they do not even have access to these collective political organizations. Their only weapons of resistance are their fierce wits and sharp tongues" However she also argues that "yet these women communicate in an oppositional aesthetic style - a constant flow of spontaneous black humor - that seems to belie their everyday struggles...it is perhaps one of the few ways of escaping pain and human suffering" (13, 14)

1.6.3. "Humor is one way of bearing witness to the tragic realities of life and an expression of discontent" (Goldstein 16)

1.6.4. "In Brazil, laughter seems to fall short of a direct weapon of rebellion; humor is a much more discursive for of resistance" (Goldstein 16)

2. Chapter One

2.1. Laughter "Out of Place"

2.1.1. Goldstein returns to Felicidade Eterna after a three year absence. Upon visiting Glória's shack she finds out from one of Glória's children, Soneca that her Zeca, one of Glória's youngest sons died, in an extremely blunt and nonchalant way. She says that "This was my abrupt and unsettling reinitiation into a manner of everyday interaction that, in the past, I had often experienced as harsh and cold-blooded but over time had become comfortable with - another sort of emotional home" (19)

2.1.2. Within the community of Felicidade Eterna, extremes of economic status were present, "Glória's network of friends in Felicidade Eterna spanned the economic spectrum from the poorest to the wealthiest" (Goldstein 23) Glória and her family represented the poorest level of this spectrum.

2.1.3. "Despite the economic stress felt by almost everyone in Felicidade Eterna, every household had some kind of television and radio - varying in age, quality and state of disrepair" (Goldstein 23)

2.1.4. Glória's house consisted of fourteen children, five being her own, five being from her deceased sister, and four from a past lover. After the death of Zeca, there were only thirteen.

2.1.5. FIRST ARRIVAL

2.1.5.1. Goldstein arrived in Brazil to begin her dissertation research. She was just in time for the annual New Year's celebration on the beaches of Zona Sul dedicated to the Afro-Brazilian deity Orixá or the goddess Iemanjá. This festival is the second largest festival only to Carnival.

2.1.5.2. "what initially appeared as a good omen to me - the diversity, sensuality, and harmony of this sweeping collection of people on the beach that night - I also quickly came to recognize as only a partial picture of Rio" (Goldstein 26)

2.1.5.3. Speaking of the visible contrasts present in Brazilian society, especially between those of the higher and lower classes, and both the romanticized and "gritty" realities of Brazilian culture Goldstein states "These two stories are not alternate visions of the truth to be debated over. That they both are part of a multi-faceted reality is the telling tale here" (27)

2.1.5.4. "Rio is a truly remarkable place...It is one of Brazil's - and the world's - most unequal cities, and, for better or worse, it remains quintessentially Brazil" (Goldstein 27)

2.1.6. SCHOLAR IN TRAINING

2.1.6.1. Before developing an acute interest in Brazil, Goldstein was a "Latin Americanist scholar in training" (27)

2.1.6.2. During a research period in Ecuador among peasant farmers, Goldstein got to meet several Latin American scholars and intellectuals who highly praised Brazil, including Brazilian music and Carnival. After hearing the admiration and fascination of her colleagues, Goldstein decided to spend some time in Brazil herself.

2.1.6.3. During her somewhat brief initial exploratory summer research expedition, Goldstein tried to find out what was so fascinating about Brazil especially after such high praise from her otherwise proudly nationalist colleagues. She tried to resist the allure of Rio de Janeiro and study smaller, less examined communities, but to no avail.

2.1.6.4. She initially wanted to study the former slave-trading capital of Brazil - Salvador, Bahia, having proposed the study and received the funding for it. But due to the growing awareness of the AIDS epidemic in Brazil at that time, she refocused her studies on instead "analyzing the effects of the AIDS epidemic on low-income women" (Goldstein 30)

2.1.6.5. Goldstein describes the Brazilian scholars and intellectuals she encounters as usually middle or upper class members of society who have the potential of making significant political change to their country, she states "The combination of class privilege and activist engagement often enables particular individuals to impact public policy in ways that North Americans are rarely able to achieve" (30)

2.1.6.6. However, these scholars are privileged members of Brazilian society, often employing lower class citizens as domestic workers and care-takers to care for their house and children, "their lives are significantly marked by the pleasure and nuisance of these domestic relations. They are...constantly cared for by others, usually women, who perform the onerous tasks of daily life for them, freeing time for creative activities, including professional advancement, hobbies,and an active social life" she claims that "I could sense that even my middle and upper-class activist friends in Brazil did not seem to have a very grounded sense of the lvies of the poor, despite their good politics and good works" (31)

2.1.7. CARNIVAL: THE EPHERMERALITY OF LAUGHTER AND FORGETTING

2.1.7.1. "Carnival, much like humor and laughter, is neither entirely conservative nor entirely liberatory...it exists and shifts between these polarities" (Goldstein 33)

2.1.7.2. "Carnival's meanings are multiple and shifting with regard to community and historical context. Indeed, Carnival can ultimately serve as a conservative ritual that reinforces class positions and gender and sexual hierarchies...Carnival is not just a time of laughter and forgetting. It can also be...a time of remembering, a profoundly ambivalent and ambiguous event" (Goldstein 33)

2.1.7.3. In regards to what is carnivalesque or what can be considered "carnivalesque" humor, Goldstein explains it thusly: "It makes fun of the wealthy, but it also pokes fun at the miserable circumstances in which they find themselves. It mocks the world and its madness and seems to be an unconscious masking of deep personal feeling that are too painful to deal with directly. It makes fun of dead, sexualized, and grotesque bodies and of the death of poor bodies" (34)

2.1.7.4. " the carnivalesque aesthetics that permeate everyday life-rather than a week during the year- may provide a fruitful opening for witnessing the more durable forms of resistance existing the other fifty-one weeks of the year" (Goldstein 34)

2.1.7.5. "Survey research can capture and help one to make sense of a large amount of information, thereby providing a sense of the big picture, but it does not seek beyond surface meaning to achieve the kind of thickness and complexity that ethnographic research can offer" (Goldstein 35)

2.1.8. HABITS OF CLASS AND DOMINATION

2.1.8.1. Upon discovering the black humor of Glória and her friends, Goldstein realized the subversive undertones laying within their laughter: "Unable to revolt, they use their laughter to oppose official Brazilian racial, class, and gender ideology. Laughter reveals the fault lines in social relations" (Goldstein 35)

2.1.8.2. "The struggle between classes over the appropriation of economic and cultural goods also becomes a symbolic struggle to appropriate distinctive signs. Certain aesthetic tastes and goods become legitimized, while others become delegitimized" (Goldstein 36)

2.1.8.3. "Since taste is in fact arbitrary, it is best seen as the mechanism by which certain classes or group gain and maintain power within the social order" (Goldstein 36)

2.1.8.4. "So, while tastes may change or shift according to historical context, the relationship between classes is maintained through this constant reproduction of taste-based distinctions" (Goldstein 36)

2.1.8.5. "Hegemony, in a manner similar to habitus, hides or naturalizes the dominance of one economic class over the other" (Goldstein 36)

2.1.8.6. "power is not above or outside of culture and history but rather is implicated in their construction...where hegemony is realized, coercion is unnecessary. It is only when subordinated groups force hegemony into ideology that the possibility for resistance becomes evident" (Goldstein 36, 37)

2.1.8.7. "humor...is in fact a window that is key to understanding how people experience their lives; it shows how the downtrodden perceive the hierarchies in which they are embedded" (Goldstein 37)

2.1.8.8. "taste is fundamentally political because it is really only the capacity to discern aesthetic values. Embedded in taste is the essence of power relations between classes that er then naturalized and constituted as meaningful...Black humor as an emotional aesthetic emerges out of the difficult circumstances of everyday life. It is a living example of the interconnectedness between comedy...and suffering and tragedy" (Goldstein 37)

2.1.9. RETURN TO LAUGHTER

2.1.9.1. Goldstein describes Soneca's laughter at her brother's death as "a laughter that was genuine enough but that both masked and revealed the anger and sorrow at the kinds of everyday violence experienced by people like Glória and her family" (37)

2.1.9.2. "Zeca's death was just another poor person's death in a poor person's hospital, with doctors trapped in a system inadequately built for attending the poverty stricken masses" (Goldstein 37, 38)

2.1.9.3. "Zeca's tragic death lent itself to countless jokes...For the outsider, the story is not so funny, but it seems that the humor found in the story gave people the strength to deal with it" (Goldstein 38)

2.1.9.4. "The details were both tragic and funny at the same time, and Soneca made sure to feature the absurd elements in each telling...Zeca suffered from nine in the morning until two in the afternoon, and the doctors did nothing but smoke cigarettes and watch as he died' (Goldstein 39)

2.1.9.5. "For Soneca and the others who witnessed his death, there was nothing left to do but laugh. This laughter was mad and absurd, similar to the conditions under which they lived" (Goldstein 39)

2.1.9.6. Similar humor was applied to Glória's sister Celina's death, where her husband, when informed of the death, initially misunderstood her as saying that only the unborn child had died, to which he jokingly replied that it would be one less mouth to feed.

2.1.10. REDISCOVERING RIO DE JANEIRO

2.1.10.1. Goldstein first met Glória as an employee of the many AIDS activists she worked with during her time in Rio. Over time, she hired Glória as a domestic worker and their friendship developed into closer, almost familial bond.

2.1.10.2. "[Glória] caught my attention...because of the way she joked and laughed with my middle-class friends" (Goldstein 40)

2.1.10.3. "Glória often suggested that I accompany her home...to see how a gente (meaning 'we' but also literally meaning 'the people') really live and think" (Goldstein 41)

2.1.10.4. "She 'adopted' me into her family as if I were another daughter...Glória would teasingly introduce me to everyone she knew as her filha branca (white daughter)...I, in turn, teased her about being my mãe preta (black mother), a characterization that invoked its own particularly charged double meaning, one that at once mocked and acknowledged the echoes of Brazil's lengthy entanglement with slavery, which still strongly colored contemporary race relations" (Goldstein 41)

2.1.10.5. "The contrast between how Glória lived and how my middle-class friends and I were living not far away was revolting. It was clear from my first visit that Glória faced a great deal of hardship in her life and that somehow, in the midst of the many tragedies that marked her struggle in this world, she managed to retain the capacity to laugh" (Goldstein 42)

2.1.11. WRITING ETHNOGRAPHY, WRITING POVERTY

2.1.11.1. After completing her AIDS research, Goldstein decided to study life in Brazilian favelas despite the lack of encouragement from her colleagues.

2.1.11.2. Goldstein claims that she remains "committed to understanding the motivations and sensibilities that emerge in these setting, and what the possibilities and constraints are for resistance among citizens in a newly consolidating democracy" (42)

2.1.11.3. Goldstein also declares that she would hate for studies to focus solely on the elite, intellectuals rather than the poor or less privileged groups purely to avoid the "pitfalls" of writing about those groups. "This would lead to an intellectual narrowing of the field, a form of 'ethnographic refusal'...a condition that would fail to provide density to our representations, would sanitize politics, and would produce a thin version of culture with a set of dissolving actors" (43)

2.1.11.4. "speaking about political and economic structures in the abstract detaches the collective reality of the process from the fact that such structures and processes are produced and reproduced, enacted and resisted by the lived experience of real people" (Goldstein 44)

2.1.11.5. Goldstein chooses, when addressing humor, not to explain why something is funny, but instead to provide ethnographic context, seeing as humor is often embedded in such contexts, so that the reader may find the meanings and significance within those contexts themselves. (44)

2.1.11.6. "studies of resistance can be especially thin because of our failure to question the internal politics of dominated groups and our fear about what our powers of representation and subjectification do" (Goldstein 44)

2.1.11.7. "a sense of humor developed and displayed under cruel and unusual circumstances provokes...'laughter out of place'...The cruel and unusual context of the lives of these characters must be considered in both the narration and the reading of these humorous stories because at times they jolt our own particular moral vision and sense of moral reasoning, one that we often mistake as universal" (Goldstein 45)

2.1.11.8. "The women I knew often joked and laughed about child death, rape, and murder...These jokes and accompanying laughter create a seemingly paradoxical emotional aesthetic that calls for contextualization...Entering the world of Brazil's urban poor and feeling the sense of frustration and anomie that accompanies their often desperate political and economic situation" (Goldstein 45)

2.1.12. "REAL PEOPLE IN REAL CONTEXT": HISTORY, POLITICAL ECONOMY, AND CLASS RELATIONS IN BRAZIL

2.1.12.1. "Contemporary hierarchies of class, race, gender, violence, and sexuality are a product of history. One cannot comprehend the enormity of the inequality in Brazil without having a sense of how capitalist expansion and imperialism have worked in historically patterned ways" (Goldstein 46)

2.1.12.2. "the dominating classes - as well as others - are limited by the structure of the world capitalist system...the dominating classes, because of their cultural, political, and economic power, can make history just as they would want" (Goldstein 47)

2.1.12.3. "without reference to class, one would assume that meanings are shared across classes. Without reference to history, one would not be able to see how relationships developed over time" (Goldstein 48)

2.1.12.4. "the world capitalist system simultaneously generated development and wealth in some countries and misery and underdevelopment in others" (Goldstein 48) in this case, underdevelopment is the result of overexploitation of resources. Those who exploited other lands received wealth and goods, but those who were exploited suffered the consequences.

2.1.12.5. "the only way to understand class is to see how class relations work themselves out over a considerable historical period...class relationships must always be embodied 'in real people in a real context'" (Goldstein 49)

2.1.13. A BRIEF HISTORY OF BRAZIL

2.1.13.1. Pedro Alvares Cabral sailed from Portugal to Brazil in 1500 with thirteen ships and twelve hundred men. Until the 1530s, Portugese presence in Brazil was limited as Brazil was primarily a source of simple trading posts. However, increasing competition from the French and Spanish in the New World led to the colonizing of Brazil as the Portugese crown began claiming Brazilian land and designating captaincies - hereditary land grants similar to the feudal system in Europe.

2.1.13.2. Larger estates were then established in the form of sesmarias (large estates) and fazendas (large farms). It was also during this period that Brazil became a major sugar producer.

2.1.13.3. "Brazil became the largest slave economy in the world (Goldstein 49)

2.1.13.4. During the 16th and 17th centuries, cattle raising became as important as sugar growing in Brazil. Brazil eventually became a world leader in producing diamonds. Both the production of sugar and precious minerals was reliant on slave labor.

2.1.13.5. "Brazil never developed a diversified economy, remaining export oriented with a firmly intact feudal landowning system" (Goldstein 50)

2.1.13.6. After an invasion by Napoleon, the royal family of Portugal fled to Brazil, making it a presence in the New World. Eventually, prince Dom João left Brazil but his son Dom Pedro I remained and declared Brazil's independence from Portugal. This makes Brazil the first Latin American colony to embrace a descendent of the monarch it was rebelling against.

2.1.13.7. "the combination of monarchy and slavery led to an atmosphere of deference that was powerfully transmitted to the non-elites of the time" (Goldstein 50)

2.1.13.8. "The newly independent Brazilian empire was still subject to the political and economic doctrines of the elites of the time. Known as Manchester liberalism, it was an economic ideology by which each country was encourage to produce what it could to produce best and tr trade with other countries for items it could buy more cheaply than produce" (Goldstein 50)

2.1.13.9. These doctrines prevented Brazil from industrializing.

2.1.13.10. The Brazilian elite were divided on the principles by which Brazil should be governed. The absolutists dissolved after the death of Pedro I, the pro-regionals became the Liberal Party, and the pro-empire became the conseravtives. The country was ruled by Dom Pedro II

2.1.13.11. Brazil was the last of the colonies to abolish slavery. Dom Pedro II was dethroned and the Brazilian Republic was established.

2.1.13.12. Brazil became a leader in coffee production and began experiencing an influx of immigration from various countries. They were also experiencing industrialization through their financial relationship with industrialized nations like England. São Paulo, as a result became one of the most economically advanced regions int he country and one of the most impressive manufacturing capitals in Latin America.

2.1.13.13. Rio became the principal importer of foreign goods and a social and political center. Segregation took place and Afro-Brazilians were often forced into slums by the elites who populated Rio.

2.1.13.14. After several presidencies characterized by a suicide, the initiation of a foreign debt problem but increased tourism, political divisiveness, a resignation, and a coup, Brazil experienced an extended period of dictatorship.

2.1.13.15. During this time, the conservative economists known as "technocrats" were reshaping Brazil's economy through the implementation of military power. This involved political repression, torture, censorship, and murder. Many Brazilians fled the courntry, especially leftist liberals as a result.

2.1.13.16. In the 1970's despite the dictatorship, help from the United States aided Brazil in experiencing a miraculous economic growth. This would be followed by a gradual return to democracy and relaxing of surveillance and repressive laws.

2.1.13.17. The political career of president Sarney was marked with inflation and economic problems.

2.1.13.18. In 1988, Brazil drafted a new and innovative constitution which declared fundamental rights such as the right not to be tortured and equality between women and men. "the constitution is a fundamental step toward providing protection for citizens in a number of areas, but in the face of unequal application of the rule of law, it loses its ability to deliver on its promises" (Goldstein 57)

2.1.13.19. Despite winning the 1989 election, Fernando Collor de Melo had to resign after a political corruption scandal. His vice president, Itamar Franco appointed Fernando Cardoso as minister to the economy. This led to a series of changes including the Plano Real whose goal was to stabilize inflation. He became, in the 1990's firmly politically aligned with free-trade and neoliberal ideologies, promoting forms of globalization. All of these contradicted his early works which were decidedly Marxist.

2.1.13.20. a contemporary critic of Cardoso, Cristovam Buarque calls for a rethinking of the Left's political agenda. Ultimately he argues that "world events...have made any kind of leftist thinking in Latin America problematic...this malaise has converted many former revolutionary thinkers into apologists for neoliberal capitalism" and "Finally, Buarque suggests that Brazil is currently living a form of social apartheid and tat the nation needs, ultimately, to reinvent itself, in order to surpass its unique history of inequality and injustice" (Goldstein 57) Essentially he criticizes the government, and allegedly "liberal" perspective, for distancing themselves so much from the people when they should be trying to reformat the political system so it helps them. The government maintains its privileges while the people go underprivilege. He feels that such social disparities should not exist and Brazil must undergo a major revitalizing change to rectify this inequality amongst peoples and classes.

3. Chapter Two

3.1. Goldstein accompanies Glória on a cleaning venture during which the apparent sadness of her patroa is mentioned. Glória insists that they read the recent letter her patroa has received to find out the source of her sadness. Upon reading it, they discover that her daughter desires more independence from her which appears to have upset her. which causes all of them to laugh. Goldstein says that this is because "(Glória) wants independence from her own daughters, and yet she sees the irony of Dona Beth being upset by this declaration from her own child. Glória often felt as if she wanted to escape the endless responsibility of supporting so many children, many of whom were not fully convinced of the importance of school - they instead felt the pressure to work and earn money. I know that some of Glória's daughters found it extremely difficult to secure decent working class jobs because of their observable racial and class characteristics...Glória's daughters suffered doubly in an economy that rewards Afro-Brazilian women the lowest pay within a highly skewed and unequal Brazilian economy" (60)

3.2. "Many jobs required a boa aparência, which literally means a 'good appearance' but more often is a thinly disguised discriminatory phrase placed or implied in job advertisements and meant to discourage dark-skinned people from applying" (Goldstein 60)

3.3. "Unlike Dona Beth, who would have liked to keep her daughter near her for as long as possible, Glória imagined herself as that person who would have liked to witness her children becoming independent" (Goldstein 61)

3.4. THE STRUGGLE TO EARN A LIVING WAGE

3.4.1. "Dona Beth offered to pay Glória approximately five minimum wages per month for a six-day workweek if Glória would agree to work as her exclusive empregada (domestic worker). After Glória accepted Beth's extraordinary offer - most domestic workers earned only one minimum salary - her life and that of her children had been transformed...Glória's life in the early 1990s could best be characterized as having been a slave to feeding both her own and her adopted children" (Goldstein 61)

3.4.2. "She worked fourteen- or fifteen-hour days and spent one or two hours every day traveling, often changing buses two or three times to reach each employer's home...this arrangement is known as that of a faxineira (heavy-duty day cleaner). Because she preferred to live at home and work for a variety of clients in this manner, nobody signed her carteira de trabalho (work card)" (Golstein 61)

3.4.3. "Glória rarely arrived home before nine or ten in the evening. Transportation time and costs ate into her earnings. Often she attempted to scrimp by traveling on the slower, less comfortable, but less expensive buses...what she lost in precious time, she gained in disposable income that could be used to buy more food for her family or an occasional beer for herself...After this grueling ride home, Glória often had to clean up around her own house. Late at night, exhausted and hungry, she would sometimes fry a fish or two and drink a beer before settling in to go to sleep" (Goldstein 62)

3.4.4. "From Glória's perspective, there had been some distinct advantages to this work routine, where payment was made on a daily basis by each employer. Glória's tight economic situation - with so many mouths to feed - was highly compatible with this arrangement. Each day provided just enough money for her to shop in small amounts and to provide for her household directly from that day's work. If she missed a day of work because of some emergency at home, she could make up the time by...combining two days of work into one long one" (Goldstein 64)

3.4.5. "In 1992, I calculated that Glória was earning about six dollars a day. Approximately one dollar was spent on the round-trip transport, so that by the end of the day, she came home with an average of five dollars. This amount barely provided enough to sustain all the children who depended on her" (Goldstein 64)

3.4.6. "Many domestic workers who live and work in a single household can command only one minimum wage, even under stringent legal protections. Glória earned substantially more in her position as a faxineira, but there were some disadvantages to this arrangement as well. Often her employers, many of whom were middle-class and could not afford full-time service, would leave two or three days'worth of complete chaos for Gloria to clean up" (Goldstein 65)

3.4.7. In explaining Gloria's employment by the fairly wealthy Dona Beth, Goldstein states: "To hire Glória full-time she was willing to pay a living wage of five salaries per month...she was conscious of the importance of women's labor, and she made a deliberate effort to pay Glória beyond what most ordinary employers were willing to pay domestic workers int he free marketplace. She also paid Glória extra for the transportation costs she incurred. Beth was trying to make an impact in her won way, but also, I believe she was willing to pay for the stability of having a highly competent, loyal worker stay with her over the coming years" (65)

3.4.8. "Gloria is just one worker in an economy characterized by ever increasing numbers of workers int he lowest-paid sectors...in this setting, there is not enough expansion of the formal sector to absorb these workers. It took Gloória until her late forties to garner a position with a wage high enough to raise her out of the lowest economic category and into the working class, and most of her firneds saw her situation as exceptional, indeed, anomalous" (Goldstein 66)

3.4.9. "Much like in the United States, the minimum salary designation is not really a living wage; it is a subsistence wage. These wages are also disproportionately low if they are calculated as a proportion of the income of the middle- and upper-class clients who desire these services" (Goldstein 66)

3.4.10. "Middle class wages vary greatly, but even the lowest wage for a single middle-class person would hover at approximately five to ten salaries per month...the system demands that domestic work be the lowest paid, affordable to even the lowest ranks of the middle class since it is nin and of itself a distinguishing feature of the middle-classes" (Goldstein 66)

3.4.11. "For the middle class in Rio...employing a domestic worker is not only perceived as a necessity; it is also a class marker, a form of identity in the deepest sense. While for the elite, the very top of the upper classes, having servants is a class marker as well, they are not obsessed with the same fear of slipping back into that dreaded pool of the population that must supply manual labor to others - a fear that plagues middle class families" (Goldstein 66, 67)

3.4.12. "Middle-class identity was historically conditioned to be dependent on having others do the work. Being a member of the middle class, in this sense, signifies that one is not a member of the serving class...the site of employer and domestic worker relations is really a site of class formation and differentiation. The middle class is defined by its ability to pay somebody else to do its manual labor" (Goldstein 67)

3.4.13. "The members of the middle and upper classes who have domestic workers and have always had them do not really know how to do basic chores for themselves...yet this dependence on somebody else...has become a positive form of status and social prestige for these classes" (Goldstein 68)

3.4.14. "domestic workers are a good example of cultural capital objectified as a kind of good or service. One cannot belong to the elite classes without utilizing these services...The more workers a person employs...the more ecnomic and social prestige he or she exhibits" (Goldstein 68)

3.4.15. "It is rare to find within any of the classes anyone expressing the notion that domestic work ought to be shared by household members. Rather, it is seen as a 'natural' and desirable service, one coveted even by those currently performing such duties for others" (Goldstein 68)

3.4.16. "these relations serve to create and sustain among the poor a vision of themselves as inferior. Most domestic work is carried out by women, and a high proportion of them are Afro-Brazilian; thus the profession reflects, in many ways, the most disadvantaged workers, those who find themselves at the very bottom of a series of interlocking economic and social hierarchies" (Goldstein 69)

3.4.17. "As the sole earner in a large house-hold, she worked hard and yet could barely keep everyone clothed and fed properly. Glória is just one individual among a large class of working poor, but her situation captures an essential aspect of Brazilian class relations" (Goldstein 69)

3.5. POVERTY IN BRAZIL AND RIO DE JANEIRO

3.5.1. "Rio's economy has been in decline for many years; it is generally accepted that the city has definitively lost out in the struggle with São Paulo for commercial and industrial dominance" (Goldstein 69)

3.5.2. "Gross poverty directly alongside incredible showcases of wealth...distinguishes Rio as a city of extremes. The low-paying service economy that seems to keep the city afloat gives the impression of a predominantly two-class system with only a very thin middle class, the latter a sign that distinguishes Rio from São Paulo. One of the more dramatic changes in Rio's demographics has been the increasing feminization of its workforce and the growing participation of children in the economy..Needless to say, a large proportion of poor women who have ended up in Rio, either as recent migrants or the daughters of older migrants, find domestic work- work without regular benefits or health care - one of the very few employment opportunities available to them" (Goldstein 70)

3.6. CLASS, CULTURE, AND THE EFFECTS OF DOMINATION

3.6.1. "The studies that have addressed domestic service in Brazil have mainly approached the dynamics of this relationship from an economic perspective - an exchange of labor for wages - noting the typically low wages paid these workers and the entrapment of these women in an economy that cannot absorb them into other sectors" (Goldstein 70)

3.6.2. "The domestic worker-employer relationship merits closer attention precisely because it is one of the rare places where relations of intimacy take place despite the class gap that characterizes Brazil's 'social apartheid'...Because the experiences of the working classes, specifically the domestic workers who are at the economic bottom of the working-class pay scale, are so removed from the life experiences of the middle- and upper-class families for whom they work, the social apartheid...is both class and everyday culture" (Goldstein 71)

3.6.3. "Through my initiation into Glória's world, I was able to grasp the intimate ways in which she and many of her associates in Felicidade Eterna had become involved in the elites they worked for...and contrastingly, how relatively little these same employers knew of their lives" (Goldstein 71)

3.7. FROM SLAVERY TO SERVITUDE

3.7.1. In regards to Glória and her friend Eliana's past employment as domestic workers, Goldstein notes that "They each worked for their respective employers for more than a decade, yet both of them eventually left these homes without much more than what little they had arrived with. Although they were not outwardly bitter about this time period, their reminiscing, often tinged with their characteristic black humor, betrayed a certain sense of injustice" She adds, "while Glória and Eliana jokingly referred to their childhood as having happened in some distant and mythic past - a time of slaves and 'princesses'- they were also aware that they themselves have experienced childhood in a role more similar to slaves" (72)

3.7.2. "One of their specific and often repeated complaints about that period was that they were not given the same food as that which was served to their employers. The reference to food - to not being able to eat the same amount and kind of food as their employers- is something that both employers and domestic workers now point to as a sign of how times have changed" (Goldstein 72)

3.7.3. "It is easy to calculate that Glória's childhood was not too far removed from slavery; indeed her grandparents lived their youths during the final years of slavery. And while Glória's mother's generation and her own did not experience slavery directly, its echoes have affected how both see themselves and their world" (Goldstein 72, 73)

3.8. COLONIAL RIO DE JANEIRO

3.8.1. "Palpable in the racial commentaries across classes is a recognizable discourse that associates domestic work with dark skin, and dark skin with slavery, dirt, ugliness, and low social standing. This association, however, does not preclude lighter skinned women from working as domestic workers...Still, the association of dark skin color with slavery, and slavery with unpleasant tasks and with dirt, is strong, influencing how even the lightest skinned domestic worker is perceived" (Goldstein 73)

3.8.2. "Despite these negative associations, the same domestic worker is often fondly venerated, even cherished, in the households of the middle and upper classes, appreciated for her care-taking activities. These relationships of servitude stemming from Brazil's period of slavery, their racialized aspects, and the discourses they inspire work the current context to solidify a particular form of domination byt he middle and upper classes" (Goldstein 73)

3.8.3. "Even after the legal abolition of slavery, domestic servants were expected to provide sexual services to masters and their sons, and nurturing services to younger children as 'milk nannies', thus reproducing almost entirely the full range of slave relationships within the context of paid domestic work" (Goldstein 74)

3.8.4. "at slavery's end, relationships between patrões and servants still remained outside the realm of public regulation and instead was viewed as 'a matter of private negotiations and personal control'...This feature of the postslavery period meant that the treatment and abuse of domestic workers were not to be regulated by the law" (Goldstein 74)

3.8.5. "elites were consciously attempting to show the rest of the world that they belonged to the group of civilized nations, those that had embraced a modernity beyond slavery...On the one hand, manual labor was despised, and so the transition from slavery to servanthood needed to preserve the ability of the upper class to hire others to perform these tasks. On the other hand, the desire to disassociate themselves from the backwardness of slavery left the elite of the time in awkward position vis-á-vis their European counterparts" (Goldstein 74, 75)

3.8.6. "Domestic workers are part of an emotionally explosive area of social relations, on the one hand, providing a sense of identity to both middle and upper classes, and on the other, filling them with guilt and self-doubt about their status in the civilized world...Indeed, progressive members of these classes know that there is something wrong with this relationship...but they are themselves stuck in it. It has by now become so culturally expected and naturalized that they cannot begin to think about giving it up, which is why they have had to come up with explanations for why it is a necessary evil" (Goldstein 755)

3.8.7. "At some level, this logic is completely anachronistic because members of these classes delude themselves, attempting to hide their own shame and guilt about robbing another person of a fuller, more equable life, and instead pointing to the ambiguous fact that, indeed, many such 'grateful' workers remain with them over the course of a lifetime" (Goldstein 75)

3.9. PARA INGLÊS, OR FOR THE ENGLISH TO SEE

3.9.1. "Brazilian elites wanted to be accepted as citizens of modernity, and such acceptance, it seemed, could be validated only by Europe's postcolonial gaze" (Goldstein 76)

3.9.2. "Brazilian elites grappled with the latest European conventions regarding race, specifically the idea of scientific racism that was taken as common sense in the late 1800s and early turn of he century. This formal racism held that biological and racial differences were causative and reflective of different progressive stages of 'civilization'" (Goldstein 76)

3.9.3. Part of what the Brazilian elite worried about what the sheer numbers of dark-skinned and mixed-race people who had, to different degrees, successfully integrated into their society...this led to an open-door policy with regard to white European immigration" (Goldstein 76)

3.9.4. "The tension about race was played out in postemancipation urban and architectural design, which physically reinforced the separation of the privileged classes from the nonprivileged classes...In the process of designing a Paris in Rio, Brazilian elites made public spaces into private ones" (Goldstein 76)

3.9.5. "'The poor people interfered with the elite's fantasy of civilization and so had to be hidden away in the Afro-Brazilian slums near the docks and on the hills'"(Goldstein 77)

3.9.6. "This structuring of exclusion enabled national elites to legitimize themselves internationally, but ultimately the architecture and planning reveal the forms of neocolonial domination to which these elites had wholeheartedly succumbed" (Goldstein 77)

3.9.7. "in this imitation of foreign cities, Brazilian elites turned public spaces into private spaces 'by defining the public space and consciousness of their concern along lines restricted by wealth and Europhile culture'" (Goldstein 78)

3.9.8. "Brazil came to see itself not as an inferior nation among the white civilized world but instead as a proud mixed-race civilized nation, an image that became the essence of brasilidade" (Goldstein 79)

3.9.9. "The modernists, in a playful parody of cannibalism...suggested that rather than imitate foreign models, Brazilians ought to cannibalize those models and turn them into something new and uniquely Brazilian. This movement served as a radical awakening for the Brazilian elites and began a process that opened up discussions about the tendency toward imitation, as well as their own particular history of exploitation by the European powers" (Goldstein 79)

3.10. PRIVATE AND PUBLIC SPACES

3.10.1. "Brazilian architecture- even for apartment buildings- exhibited the unique characteristic of two completely independent circulation systems: one for masters and one for servants" (Goldstein 80)

3.10.2. Goldstein makes mention of Glória's seeming distaste and lack of respect for her patrõa Dona Beth's daughter-in-law Nilda whom she perceived to be too much like her, too indicative of those in the lower class, to be respected as a patrõa or to be addressed in respectful formalities. According to Goldstein: "She preferred working for people who were comfortably stationed in Zona Sul...and who, for the most part, were white-skinned and from a long-standing lineage of privilege...Nilda's success at having made it out of a lower-class background- through marriage- seems to have been a sore spot for Glória who perhaps preferred to see privilege as something inherent, or white, or perhaps something that a person like her can never acquire...her manner of speaking and her body language were easily recognizable to Glória as similar to her own, and this brought out resentment and resistance...Nilda had accomplished the (almost impossible) dream held by Glória and many of her contemporaries; she had married well and now was able to afford an occasional empregada. But Glória's implicit understanding of the class dimension s of domestic work framed Nilda as one not worthy of the deference embedded within the domestic worker-employer relationship" (81, 82) (

3.10.3. According to Goldstein, "When the obvious signs of class distinction and racial hierarchy are 'off'...the relations of deference seem to fall apart, and an opportunity for resistance is registered...Glória had trouble 'performing' with deference toward a person she perceived an a racial equal...Nilda was, in sum, perceived as a 'fraud' rather than as a potential class or racial ally" (Goldstein 82)

3.11. AMBIGUOUS AFFECTIONS

3.11.1. "Despite the ambiguous affections involved, patroa and empregada both know their place" (Goldstein 84)

3.11.2. "'House servants experienced most sharply the profound tensions that characterized the relationship of master and servant as one personal and proximate, perhaps long-lasting, but never one between trusted equals'" (Goldstein 84)

3.11.3. "By relying on women that maintained their households and made privilege concrete, patrões rendered themselves continuously vulnerable'" (Goldstein 85)

3.11.4. "Many middle- and upper-class Brazilians talk about their domestic workers with a mixture of love and appreciation. They express familial-like affections or a fondness for that special domestic worker who lived with their family for many years and devoted her life to serving the family...these sentiments are common enough, but these same affections also reveal a sense of uncertainty and distance, often about the very same people" (Goldstein 85)

3.11.5. "progressive-minded Brazilians possess a certain self-consciousness concerning the complicated and perverse aspects of these relationships" (Goldstein 86)

3.11.6. "The presence of this 'low Other' reminds the middle and upper classes of what they strive not to be...Identity is always, in that sense, a structured representation which only achieves its positives through the narrow eye of the negative...The middle and upper classes need this 'low Other' in order to know who they are. On the other hand, the very same presence may feed their fears about being stuck in an abysmal premodern slot that identifies these labor relations as indicative of a backward 'third world' status. With out an internal critique of what is wrong with the system, they are left in their own kind of blindness, unable to extricate themselves from their own incorporated history" (Goldstein 87)

3.11.7. "The 'innate' inability of the working class to function in what is considered to be everyday, ordinary, middle-class society is a common theme among them, a complicated discourse in which their class privilege is implicitly protected as 'natural'" (Goldstein 88)

3.12. THE EUPHEMIZATION OF POWER RELATIONS

3.12.1. "The protection of class privilege is highly visible in everyday interactions not only inside domestic space but outside as well. Endless physical signs reinforce the sense for povo, or the masses, that they are less- that is, somehow less civilized, less worthy as citizens, less human, than those belonging to the privileged classes. Brazil has an incredibly vibrant consumer culture that caters to the middle and upper classes, and the mass media encourage consumption habits and the majority cannot possibility adhere to" (Goldstein 88)

3.12.2. "The elites thereby reinforced the sense that the poor ought to remain out of sight except when they are performing their roles as service workers...The continued segregation of architectural forms- such as the division between service and public entrances to middle- and upper-class apartment buildings - reinforces a sense of inferiority among the poor and working classes" (Goldstein 88)

3.12.3. Goldstein explains the kind of paternalism coming from the upper and middle class members towards their lower class domestic workers: "This paternalism comes in the form of charity, little gifts, and other favors...highlight the benevolence of the individual, emphasizing the interpersonal aspects of the relationship and downplaying its structural constraints. Euphemization, the cleaning up of the official or public transcript, thus serves to hide domination...The effect of these euphemization discourses is that the privileged classes manage to convince themselves that their patronage is healthier for their servants than the live available to them 'on the outside'" (Goldstein 89)

3.12.4. "In another typical and thoroughly naturalized discourse, patrons often point to the longevity of their relationship with their domestic workers, using the number of years spent employing a particular worker as an indicator not only of the health of the relationship but also implicitly of the health of the entire system" (Goldstein 89)

3.12.5. "Ultimately, these elites desire that their workers express a proper appreciation for them; when it is not forthcoming, it is explained away as proof of a worker's ignorance" (Goldstein 90)

3.13. A GAME OF SIGNS: CULTURAL CAPITAL AND THE REPRODUCTIONS OF CLASS

3.13.1. "hegemonically constructed forms of cultural capital are a possession of the dominant classes and are acquire through the process of class production and reproduction" (Goldstein 91)

3.13.2. "Of course, to some extent the liberal class acknowledges the paternalistic nature of the relationship and even recognizes how the extremities of the class division in Rio contribute to an exaggerated class distance such that the working poor do not always know how to act 'appropriately' in many of the naturalized public spaces belonging to the middle and upper classes" (Goldstein 92)

3.13.3. "The chic stores and restaurants that define public space in the Zona Sul are not welcoming of people in working-class attire. The elite's fantasy of civilization in fin de siécle Rio had defined areas of the city as neighborhoods by and for the elite, and even today, there are entire areas of the Zona Sul where people like Glória are uncomfortable entering public establishments" (Goldstein 92)

3.13.4. "There is...collusion at the societal, household, and individual level in creating both external signs and internalized notions of where one naturally 'places' in the world, where one properly belongs" (Goldstein 93)

3.14. THE LIMITATIONS OF ACADEMIC CAPITAL

3.14.1. "corollarially schools actually serve to reproduce the cultural and class divisions in any society in both visible and invisible ways" (Goldstein 93)

3.14.2. "in Brazil educational capital is already so closely tied to the cultural capital, and cultural capital so closely parallels historical privilege...The school system in Brazil is 'classed' from the very start, with a public school system that functions (rather poorly) for the masses and differing levels of private school education that cater exclusively to the middle and upper classes" (Goldstein 94)

3.14.3. "In Felicidade Eterna children are expected to be productive and work from a very young age. By the age of five or six, children participate in chores...By the age of nine or ten girls are often the primary caretakers of their baby sibling. Girls especially, are often sent out as domestic workers or wageless helpers to their mothers. All this adds up to the fact that even when an individual does have access to education, it is often impossible to make it a high priority In contrast, the children of the wealthier classes are usually prohibited from even entering the kitchen in their own homes. There is absolutely no encouragement for or value placed on learning how to clean or cook, since these tasks are carried out by the domestic help. The children of the wealthy are therefore able to focus on their studies...where as the children of the poor, if they go to school at all, enter a second-class educational system perfectly suited to reproducing second-class citizens. Therefore, although public education is paid for through government funding, it rarely functions as the great equalizer that many liberals desire it to be" (Goldstein 95)

3.14.4. "Middle-class parents know that the public school system is, at best, mediocre, and they worry about being able to provide for their young children the necessary resources to attend expensive primary and secondary private schools. The rich and the poor, recognize the inequality within this bifurcated education most fully, knowing that their own class reproduction is dependent on their uncertain access to private schools" (Goldstein 95)

3.14.5. "Afro-Brazilians, locked into the lowest earning sectors in the economy, face a challenge that is doubly hard; they first must enter and succeed in the labor market before even entertaining the hope of gaining access to institutions of higher learning...the liberal solution that proposes education alone as a realistic route to social mobility is deeply flawed" (Goldstein 95)

3.15. "MUCHACHAS NO MORE"

3.15.1. "In contemporary Rio de Janeiro, one can see signs of the bonds of patronage, dependency, and deference exhibited in many aspects of the domestic worker-patron relationship...There is, often visibly, a deference in the body language of this serving class, as well as other signs of social origin; these markings are often so clear that most middle- and upper-class members of society readily admit being able to discern social class instantly by a person's walk, style of dress, or simply an utterance" (Goldstein 96)

3.15.2. "There are signs of resistance and a growing backlash against the most blatant holdovers of the kinds of relations associated with slavery...not all women living in Felicidade Eterna work as domestic laborers, and there is a growing rebellion against such work...Domestic work was viewed as honest hard work, but it was also seen as being at the absolute bottom of the occupation and pay-scale ladder and as being associated with slavelike relations of labor" (Goldstein 96)

3.15.3. "'Hegemony is not the disappearance or destruction of difference. it is the construction of a collective will through difference. It is the articulation of difference which do not disappear...'" (Goldstein 97)

3.15.4. "political economy does constrain the choices these young men make, but... they - as individuals belonging to a particular sub-culture- are also agents of their own futures" (Goldstein 97)

3.15.5. "working-class boys practice their resistance through their denigration of mental work, highlighting the emasculating aspects of white-collar jobs...their resistance and oppositional culture contain the very elements of their own destruction...in seeking to unmask and lay bare the ideology that oppress them, these agent wind up being unable to occupy the positions of their oppressors. By working against the dominant ideology, they are then unable to fulfill the requirements that would be needed to occupy another class position" (Goldstein 98)

3.16. THE LAUGHTER OF A COMMUNITY

3.16.1. "While watching television in Felicidade Eterna, which was always a group activity, there would often be a scene that any other audience would perceive as tragic. Yet here, among a collection of people who live in absurd conditions, the tragedies of the elites depicted in the telenovelas tended to fall on deaf ears" (Goldstein 101)

4. Chapter Three

4.1. COLOR-BLIND EROTIC DEMOCRACIES, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS POLITICS, AND THE BLACK CINDERELLAS OF FELICIDADE ETERNA

4.1.1. "'With reference to Brazil, as an old saying has it 'White women for marriage, mulatto women for f---, Negro woman for work', a saying which, alongside the social convention of the superiority of the white woman and the inferiority of the black, is to be discerned a sexual preference for the mulatto" (Goldstein 102)

4.1.2. "The links between color and class are particularly clear in the case of Eliana and her grandson Fausto. Color- hers and Fausto's taken together - is 'naturally' perceived as an indicator of a class relationship...It is not so much that it is assumed that she is not related tot he child...Rather their presence together suggests a racialized class relationship: that of lower-class (black) nanny and upper-class (white) child...grandmother and grandchild together play a visual joke on the world, and those who understand their 'true' relationship get the joke and laugh" (Goldstein 103)

4.2. RACE AND CLASS IN BRAZIL AND THE UNITED STATES

4.2.1. "North Americans generally like to think of themselves as part of the middle class and often do not think in terms of class-based forms of power" (Goldstein 103)

4.2.2. "North Americans readily engage in debates about forms of race-based affirmative action but rarely engage in debates about the possibility of class-based affirmative action...poverty is more easily spoken of in terms of race than in terms of class, leading to a number of fallacious perceptions, including the idea that most welfare mothers in the United States are African American, when in fact there are far greater numbers of whites on welfare" (Goldstein 103)

4.2.3. "In Brazil, it is race and racism that people are generally uncomfortable speaking about. Brazil never had an all-out civil rights movement where a black power or black pride movement captured the public imagination" (Goldstein 103)

4.2.4. "Brazil did not develop a structure of legal supports to racism, and perhaps because racism in Brazil was less codified and more subtly manifest in social rather than in legal relations, it could not be challenged directly in the courts and became difficult to address" (Goldstein 105)

4.2.5. "When something African-derived emerged as part of a national tradition in Brazil, it was eventually adopted and absorbed into the broader definition of Brazilian identity...In Brazil, those cultural elements that remained purely African or too closely associated with slavery were denigrated. In spite of the absorption of some elements, which sometimes legitimated and elevated previously denigrated African traditions, blackness...continues to be associated with slavery and is considered ugly" (Goldstein 105)

4.2.6. "poverty in Brazil is conceptualized as a class problem rather than a race problem...there never has been and there currently is no race-based affirmative action in Brazil" (Goldstein 105)

4.2.7. "Although there is no legally sanctioned racism in Brazil, the structures of racism are present in everyday experiences. Because their existence and significance are often conveyed through indirect forms of communication...they are more difficul to transcribe and challenge" (Goldstein 105)

4.2.8. "Race is embodied in everyday valuations of sexual attractiveness, and this attractiveness is gendered, racialized, amd class-oriented in ways that commodify black female bodies and white male economic, racial, and class privilege" (Goldstein 106)

4.2.9. "Brazilians evaluate race primarily according to appearance, offering a plethora of fluid and ambiguous categories, whereas North Americans have...tended to follow a 'one-drop-of-blood' rule and a comparatively bipolarized vision of race" (Goldstein 106)

4.2.10. "the attribution of a racial category may be influenced by a person's class...the old Brazilian adage 'money whitens', may still be relevant" (Goldstein 106)

4.2.11. "In the historical development of Brazil, the whitening ideology of the turn of the century, one that called for the gradual whitening of the African population through miscegenation, was sufficiently strong in both social and psychological ways that have made it extremely difficult for black organizing around the question of racial identity to take place in Brazil...Blackness was- and still is - associated with slavery, dirty work, and ugliness. Only highly politicized people can speak openly about their race without feeling the shame attached to blackness" (Goldstein 106, 107)

4.3. ANA FLÁVIA PEÇANHA AZEREDO: A BLACK CINDERELLA?

4.3.1. Goldstein details the events recorded in a 1993 publication called "Veja", a popular Barzilian weekly news magazine, in which a young black woman is physically and verbally assaulted for holding an elevator and "making others wait". In this case, she was abused because "Because of her skin color, she was 'mistaken' by her white assailants as a person not worthy of making other wait...she was assumed to be merely...(black and poor)" It then turned out that she was the daughter of the governor of Espìrito Santo thus undermining the discrimination which took place that was based on her race and also ascribed unto her a class identification, which, consequently, identified her as a person unworthy of anyone elses' time. (107)

4.3.2. According to Goldstein, "The fact that their perceptions of her race made them unable to see that she actually belonged at the ball, so to speak, again highlights the systemic relation between race and class in Brazil" (107)

4.3.3. "'Unlike the distinctions between African- and Brazilian-born slaves in the previous century, African-ness - the parent symbol for blackness no longer marks a place; it now marks a people" (Goldstein 107)

4.3.4. "race and color casting in Brazil is highly situational and...race bipolarization is more a desire of the politically correct North Americans and elite Brazilian classes and less a reality among the poorer segments of Brazilian society" (Goldstein 108)

4.3.5. "the 'multiple mode' of everyday racial discourse in Brazil - a discourse that appears to suggest that Brazilians conceptualize race as composed of multiple categories rather than as a single dichotomy between black and white" (Goldstein 108)

4.3.6. "leaders of the Brazilian black consciousness movement are out of touch with the majority of the population, which still thinks about and experiences situationally, with an eye for class differences" (Goldstein 108)

4.3.7. "Sexual unions across the color line speak loudly and seem to provide proof of Brazil's racial democracy, but they may also get in the way of perspectives that seek to lay bare the patterened forms of inequality embedded in or enacted through certain forms of racialized eroticism" (Goldstein 108)

4.4. THE "TREASURE CHEST COUP": FEMALE FANTASIES OF SEDUCING THE COROA

4.4.1. "Living in a favela is automatically a class marker in Rio...Those who are lighter-skinned or who have 'whiter' characteristics are believed to have better chances of succeeding in life, including greater opportunities and even greater possibilities for leaving the....shantytowns and moving into neighborhoods that qualify as poor but respectable" (Goldstein 108)

4.4.2. "Despite research findings that show little difference in social mobility between darker- and lighter-skinned mixed-race people, the belief in color as a determining factor of one's chances in life seems to persist and frames many of the everyday commentaries on race and color" (Goldstein 108, 109)

4.4.3. "Many of the women I came to know...believed that one of their best opportunities for 'getting ahead' was their ability to seduce older, richer, whiter men, whom they referred to as coroas...An older, richer, black person could be a coroa, but the general connotation among these particular women is that the coroa is also whiter than they are" (Goldstein 109)

4.4.4. "Parables of upward mobility constitute a genre told by women among themselves..this fantasy is dependent on a coroa who is willing to be seduced, and it is recognized as a realistic and legitimate, albeit rare, form of social mobility. It also serves to confuse the race issue because it is interpreted in fairy tale terms...Gender, class, sexuality, and race, as well as beauty and age, are all intertwined in one story" (Goldstein 109)

4.4.5. "For Glória and her friends, such cross-class and cross-color cases provide evidence that white men who prefer dark-skinned women are 'logically' not racist because they sexually desire dark-skinned women" (Goldstein 109)

4.4.6. "As a method of escaping from poverty, however, marrying or seducing a coroa is based on gendered and racialized values of attractiveness in an erotic market...Men's attractiveness is related to their economic well-being (although racial claculation is also important), and women's attractiveness is related to their beauty and sex appeal" (Goldstein 110)

4.4.7. "It is important to highlight here that a coroa's money is a polysemic symbol embodying a culture of wealth...The symbolic meaning of the coroa's money is important because low-income women's fantasies of being crowned are not confined to the wish of escaping poverty but are more broadly constructed as a means...of attaining a better life...it is based on a mutual attractiveness, no matter how different and unequal the criteria for attractiveness are" (Goldstein 110)

4.4.8. "At the level of popular culture, the imagery of the seductress- the sexualized mulata- has been absorbed by black and mixed-race women themselves. This internalization...has both empowered and disempowered them...They seem to have taken the seductive imagery of the mulata, troubled as it is by the legacy of Brazil's slaveholding past, and claimed it as their own, partly as a response to increasing economic immeseration but also as a way of resisting the widespread notion that equates blackness with ugliness. Being a successful seducer enables them to negate this oppressive equation" (Goldstein 110, 111)

4.5. REPRESENTATIONS AND COMMODIFICATIONS OF BLACK BODIES

4.5.1. "Because the mulata is so much a product of a national ideology about both race and sexuality, it forms a particular set of images that are much more protected and even exalted as a positive reading of national identity, and not one that is criticized as an overly exoticized or overly sexualized image of black women" (Goldstein 112)

4.5.2. "In the Brazilian context, the sexualized mulata is not the negative or tragic figure portrayed in the North American construction...the mulata figure is in fact an embodiment of mixed-race creativity, beauty, and sensuality. The mulata is, among other things, the embodiment of Carnival...This paradoxical absence yet exoticization of sexualized blackness still serves to privilege whiteness and 'imaginary' rather than actual blackness" (Goldstein 112)

4.5.3. "While the colonial...(white married female's) sexuality was regulated by rigid religious and moral conceptions, slave women escaped the determinations of the dominant classes. The female slave's sexuality was not in the service of procreation nor of the ideological reproduction of the white family. To be beyond these limits appeared...as being free from the ties of any order, religious or moral; thus the slave was appropriated solely as a sexual object" (Goldstein 112, 113)

4.5.4. "this representation of the exalted and cultivated sexuality of the mulata served as an ideological justification for sexual attacks on slaves...What is notable is the fixity of the sexualized nature of this representation: the mulata is forever exalted as an erotic Other" (Goldstein 113)

4.5.5. "' Poor Brazilian women have become increasingly identified as elements in a growing sex trade on a global scale, in part due to the tradition of romanticizing and 'not talking' about predatory patriarchy. The extension of the mestiçagem narrative into the twentieth century disembodies women's capacities of power and authority over their lives'" (Goldstein 114)

4.5.6. "'mulata' is synonymous with erotic black and mixed-race female sexuality" (Goldstein 114)

4.5.7. "slavery early on installed a specific kind of pornographic gaze of white males upon black female bodies, one she associates with the Jezebel image. The jezebel is an aggressive and dangerous (amoral) whore, an image both racially and sexually charged that reduces black women to an essential, primal sexuality" (Goldstein 114)

4.5.8. "While in the North American case this master-slave relationship was early on perceived as rape, historians and the lineage of Brazilian intellectuals have not constructed this relationship in the same way...because slave women were outside of the rigid moral and religious orders surrounding white women, they were perceived as outside the ties of the moral order...the cult of sensuality built up around the mulata has actually served...as a justification for sexual attacks on black and mxed-race women" (Goldstein 115)

4.6. BRAZILIAN SEXUALITY: HISTORY, REPRESENTATION, AND SCHOLARSHIP

4.6.1. "This celebration of Brazilian sexuality is intricately connected to the question of race because the primary icon of 'hot' sexuality in Brazil is the mulata. Conversely, Brazilian understandings about race and color are intimately connected with Brazilians' representations of their own sexual history" (Goldstein 115)

4.6.2. "although Brazil was the last country on earth to abolish slavery, it was redeemed in some sense because, as a nation, it forged a tentative identity that acceptive and even celebrated its racial mixture, and thus diverged somewhat from the standard European narratives of the time that glorified their own whiteness and homogeneity...In this process of identity construction, the imagery of a fun-loving population, of free and unhindered sexuality, and of tropical sensuality was summarized and celebrated in the representation of the sexy mulata" (Golstein 117)

4.6.3. "Mixed-race or black women (or idealized representations of such women) with certain 'white' characteristics are appreciated for their beauty and sensuality, while the majority of low-income mixed-race and black women are barred from economic and social mobility. They are trapped at the bottom of several hierarchies at once - including that of race/color and class, even while they are exalted as hot, sexual mulatas" (Goldstein 118)

4.6.4. "Black and mixed-race men are also trapped at the bottom of a number of hierarchies, but they are not exalted for their sexual appeal in the same ways as women...Whereas in the United States, the male mulatto was perceived as a tragic figure or a 'marginal man', in Brazil, it was the figure of the mulata that gained recognition and attention" (Goldstein 118)

4.6.5. "much of Brazilian exceptionalism hinges on this construction of the mulata, because the mulata is a positive sexualized product, the celebration af miscegenation - a representation that Brazilians recognized and embraced, and which other countries denied...The mulata was represented as having emerged out of the black African slave cultures- polygamous sinners with large sexual appetites who left the colonials defenseless" (Goldstein 119)

4.6.6. "'The 'top' attempts to reject and eliminate the 'bottom'for reasons of prestige and status, only to discover, not only that it is in some way frequently dependent upon that low Other...but also that the top includes that low symbolically, as a primary eroticized constituent of its own fantasy life" (Goldstein 119)

4.7. DISCOURSES (AND SILENCES) ON RACE

4.7.1. "'Brazilian scholars, especially from established academic institutions, continue...to avoid the subject of race, in virtually all its aspects...Indeed Brazilians often regard non-Brazilians who pursue the subject as having misunderstood it'" (Goldstein 120)

4.7.2. "One reason it is difficult to talk directly about race and sexuality together is because of the ambiguities involved in the sexualization of racialized bodies...the powerful imagery surrounding the Brazilian mulata...is tied up with the spirit of celebration, of national identity, sensuality, and exotic color difference" (Goldstein 120)

4.7.3. "the silence surrounding discussions of race and racism in Brazil constitutes a form of cultural censorship...because of the difficulty of addressing these topics, people resort not only to silence but also to jokes, stories, and innuendo that form a hidden discourse within daily interactions...they are important because they are ruptures in the naturalized silences around such difficult topics as sexuality and race" (Goldstein 120)

4.8. HIERARCHIES OF BEAUTY AND SOCIAL MOBILITY

4.8.1. "In Felicidade Eterna, being a mixed-race or black female is not sufficient for being considered a hot, sexual mulata. The women in Glória's network rose in social status among their peers only when they proved that they could successfully seduce a coroa. A woman might thus be able to 'overcome' her negatively valued dark skin or African characteristics by performing as a seductress" (Goldstein 121)

4.8.2. "The generally accepted equation is that a particular combination of white and black characteristics creates mulata beauty, but white characteristics along can also qualify in another (higher) category of beauty. Purely African characteristics are considered ugly. These are also considered characteristics that one can poke fun at by juxtaposing them with the characteristics of slaves or those in contemporary situations of servitude" (Goldstein 121)

4.8.3. "Black is made beautiful in this context only by the addition of white features. But whiteness, unsurprisingly, has a high value by itself. None of this is said directly, though" (Goldstein 121)

4.9. THE COROA AND THE IDEOLOGY OF WHITENING

4.9.1. "For the women in Felicidade Eterna, the seduction of a lighter-skinned man may actually also serve to empower them in a culturally meaningful way, since the seduction requires a self-representation that emphasizes the heightened erotic powers of black sensuality. It is their mulata bodies, whose parts can also be described negatively int he context of African characteristics, that they believe allow them the possibility, however remote, of capturing an opportunity for social mobility" (Goldstein 123)

4.9.2. "in this sort of hierarchically racialized world, being with a white man serves to extract that person from the category of slave and enable her to enter into the world of master. Women of color...are enslaved by their feelings of inferiority and their apsirations of being admitted into the white world...women of color, both black and mixed-race, desire to either become white or avoid 'slipping back'"" (Goldstein 123)

4.9.3. "Afro-Brazilian women are less likely than their male counterparts to perceive racism int heir everyday lives, one of the reasons being their belief that they are romantically and sexually appealing to whiter men" (Goldstein 124)

4.9.4. "women are more reluctant to interpret others'behavior as racist than are men because they tend to encounter racism in intimate contexts that are charged with ambivalent emotions...Interpretations of racism within these contexts would necessarily preclude the possibility for seduction, and in some cases, that would endanger one of the major hopes of these same women for economic and social mobility" (Goldstein 124)

4.9.5. "Black female sexuality is valorized and considered erotic because it is suspended in a web of power relations that make it available in a particular way. Blackness becomes valuable only in specific situations where sexual commodification is the operational framework...the coroa story, in addition to reflecting an element of unequal gender exchange, also seems to reflect unequal racialized patterns of sexual exchange" (Goldstein 125)

4.9.6. "women with extremely low income that have difficulty paying for medical care and negligible chances of structured economic mobility would consider trading their bodies for money...pragmatic calculations of wealth certainly influence the survivalist sexual strategies of low income women, and given the real economic and social status of whiteness, it, too, figures as one variable that is considered in evaluating a potential partnership" (Goldstein 126)

4.9.7. "In its more extreme form, this relationship between race and sexuality provides the basis for the belief that Brazil is hardly racist at all...ignores how sexuality...is constructed through the prism of power, masking the inequalities associated with race, gender, and class" (Goldstein 126)

4.9.8. "the intimacy of sexual relations and the willingness to take the low-income dark skinned woman as a companion are thought to neutralize the class exploitation and racism that exist in actual practice...The seduction of the coroa is clearly a gendered, racialized, and sexualized popular vision of social mobility, but it is also a story of mistresshood and potential abuse...The fantasy creates a context in which these women participate in their own sexual commodification," (Goldstein 127)

4.9.9. "In Brazil, it is widely believed that miscegenation and racism are contradictory, yet it is precisely their superficially uncomplicated coexistence that is part of Brazil's uniqueness" (Goldstein 127)

4.10. TWO KISSES

4.10.1. Goldstein describes a scenario in which she accompanies Glória and Janaína to work, where her employer was an older, white male who was financially stable - identified by Glória as a coroa. However, upon greeting the three, he greeted Goldstein with the traditional greeting of two kisses on each cheek, but barely acknowledged either Glória or Janaína. According to Goldstein "The absence of the two kisses inspired Glória and Janaína to speak directly about racism- something they seldom did...Glória often referred to this episode...as an example of racism among middle- and upper-class people...She viewed her employer's aversion to the two kisses (for her, an aversion to physical intimacy) as racist. Conversely, she viewed interracial physical contact...as proof of a nonracist attitude" This incident seriously upset Glória because it emphasized a physical distance between her and her employer that was likely based in race and class discrimination. (128)

4.11. INTERNALIZED RACISM AND SOCIAL MOBILITY

4.11.1. "Statements made in the process of 'only joking' can often provide a window into deeply held and troubling feelings, such as those that deal with race" (Goldstein 129)

4.11.2. Glória made a racially insensitive joke about her nephew, Roberto and more directedly his pregnant girlfriend Geni whom she deemed unfit for him due to her dark coloring and low status.This joke highly offended Roberto and according to Goldstein "Glória's joke registers her disapproval of Roberto's choice of a sexual (potential marriage) partner without making it necessary to directly announce her objections to Geni's color. Geni's color and poverty make her an inapporpriate choice for Roberto, an upwardly mobile black man, because in Glória's reading of the situation, Geni has nothing to offer Roberto" (130) In other words, Glória's joke was a subversive remark directed towards the fact that she perceived Geni's race and poverty status as unbeneficial to Roberto in any way and therefore she deemed her an unsuitable partner.

4.12. CONCLUSIONS: BLACK CINDERELLA AND BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS POLITICS

4.12.1. "in Brazil, one still finds strong evidence of the continuation of the myth or ideology of racial democracy, despite the black movement's ongoing public denunciation of racism" (Goldstein 131)

4.12.2. "The preferred solution proposed by the majority of both whites and nonwhites is that of a movement that incorporates both whites and nonwhites into its activities...'harmony and the avoidance of racial confrontation seem to be the translation...of the racial ideology in Brazil....such movements have many impediments, including resource deprivation, racial hegemony and culturalism, as well as the historical problem of the low level of racial identification as black" (Goldstein 132)

4.12.3. "The Movimento Negro has attempted to bring attention to racial discrimination in Brazil, as well as to promote the positive aspects of Afro-Brazilian history and culture...it has had to advocate for an identification among its constituents for a form of racial exclusivity and racial pride that is somewhat anathema to the everyday practices that nefariously yet silently reproduce the hierarchies of beauty that denote black characteristics as ugly and white characteristics as beautiful...the Movimento Negro has experienced mostly middle-class and elite success" (Goldstein 133)

4.12.4. "Any movement that would attempt to push for a stronger version of racial affiliation or for the exclusivity of the black experience would have to call into question the romantic and sexual appeal of whiteness...it would also necessarily call for a decommodification of the black female body in a context where black women have already had to self-commodify in order to survive" (Goldstein 133)

4.12.5. "the underlying belief and thorough investment in the idea of a color-blind erotic democrarcy in Brazil actually contributes to the preservation of the myth of racial democracy among low-income black and mixed-race women" (Goldstein 133)

4.12.6. "black activists and people living in favelas are isolated by cultural censorship and by the class distinctions that divide and differentiate Brazilian social arrangements more generally" (Goldstein 134)

4.12.7. "Underlying this optimistic sense of racial democracy in Brazil...is an uncritical and inaccurate...vision of interracial sexuality. Although the practices associated with interracial sex may be consensual in a legal sense, they are anything but egalitarian" (Goldstein 134)

4.12.8. "Embedded in the 'Brazil is different' argument is a dated celebration of Brazilian miscegenation that uncritically supports the notion of a Brazilian color-blind erotic democracy...The fantasy of seducing a coroa held by low-income mixed-race women provides evidence of a pattern of erotic calculation that is neither democratic, nor egalitarian, nor idiosyncratic; it is instead tied to the economic correlations of blackness in Brazil" (Goldstein 125)

4.12.9. "The idea that Brazil is a color-blind erotic democracy - that the power associated with gender, race, and class plays no role in sexual partnerships - helps to mask and normalize everyday racism and internalized racism in Brazil" (Goldstein 135)

5. Chapter Four

5.1. NO TIME FOR CHILDHOOD

5.1.1. Glória finds her ex-lover Gérson eating some fast food with a well dressed woman and decides to tell him of their son, Pedro Paulo's recent demise. According to Glória's accounts, he reacted thusly: "Gérson, her ex-partner, had never paid any attention to Pedro Paulo even when the boy was young; he never once helped Glória financially with the costs of raising their son, and she found it ironic that he cried over Pedro Paulo- a virtual stranger to him- while she, the mother who had single-handedly raised the boy and seen him gone astray, could not muster a single tear at the time of his death. With this realization, Glória abruptly ended their brief encounter, telling Gérson that 'tears were not going to bring him back'" (Goldstein 137)

5.2. A VISIT WITH PEDRO PAULO AT ILHA GRANDE PRISON

5.2.1. Goldstein accompanies Glória to the prison where Pedro Paulo was held to pay a visit to her son. While there, she encounters a woman named Amélia who claimed to be the sister of an inmate named Adhmar. Goldstein examines their alleged relationship: "a certain kind of woman- who had recently become crentes (literally, believers, religious converts) - hoped, through their faith, to help redeem another person from a criminal life...I wondered whether Amélia was really related to Adhmar or whether perhaps she was one of the women who made themselves emotionally and/or sexually available to prisoners in an almost martyr-like way" (139)

5.2.2. During this visit, Pedro Paulo took the opportunity to talk with Goldstein during which she learned quite a bit about him. An interesting subject which came up was that his girlfriend, Josilene, was pregnant and considering an abortion: "He had recently learned that his 'woman' in Rocinha, Josilene, was pregnant with his child and was considering getting an abortion. Pedro Paulo threatened that if she aborted his child, the first thing he would do upon leaving prison would be to kill her...He felt that when a woman has sex with a man, she ought to know the consequences...Glória and Amélia countered that men out to take part in birth control as well- that it should not only be the domain of women...Pedro Paulo told us he hated abortion and equally despised women who were not monogamous. For Pedro Paulo, the job of 'the man' is to put the food on the table for his family, and as long as this is taken care of, it is fine for him to have as many women as he wants- as long as they 'don't lack anything' of course" (140)

5.2.3. "while a bad event is happening, the moment is not funny at all, but when it is over and time has passed, that same event is subject to being made the source of humor" (Goldstein 142)

5.2.4. "Pedro Paulo had made it clear that he was not interested in working for slave wages as his mother had done her entire life. He openly scorned Glória's definition of 'honest' work and quite articulately described the impossibility of any self-respecting man supporting a family on a Brazilian minimum wage" (Goldstein 142)

5.2.5. "In many of the life stories of the women in Glória's network of friends and family, the women had worked in the homes of others, raising the children of strangers, but being forced themselves to leave their own children with older sisters, a grandmother, or 'the street'...In reflecting her own work-filled life, she also attributes the loss of Pedro Paulo to 'the street' and its violence to the fact that she was too busy to keep track of him as much as she would have liked" (Goldstein 142, 143)

5.2.6. "Men like Pedro Paulo felt they had been cheated out of their own futures. Further, Pedro Paulo had figured out early on htat those of his class and background do not have a great deal of social mobility...what marks Pedro Paulo's generation is the recognition, although in some ways inarticulable, of the impossibility of 'the good life' for those of his race and background" (Goldstein 143)

5.2.7. "As an intelligent young man growing up in Rocinha, Pedro Paulo found the allure of gang life to be irresistible. It seemed to offer an alternative to backbreaking manual labor, at the same time promising a decent wage and offering instant economic improvement" (Goldstein 145)

5.2.8. "What Glória brought to her parenting after her early experience with Pedro Paulo was a profound sense of failure and loss - of having lost Pedro Paulo to the street, to FUNABEM, to the gang, and to a life that was sure to end violently. She regretted how things had gone and recognized that early on she had lost authority over her own child" (Goldstein 146)

5.2.9. In describing Glória's later parenting technique, Goldstein explains that: "She attempted to look tougher than the peers or gang members or other influences that might corrupt her children, hoping to discourage them - sometimes quite aggressively- from getting involved in trouble, especially with gangs" (146)

5.3. THE KILLING STREETS

5.3.1. "Increasingly, the trend among the middle and upper classes in Brazil's major cities has been to move behind higher walls to protect themselves from what they perceive as the growing violence on the street...the discourses on and fear of crime have served to legitimize private and illegal reactions, such as the organization of death squads" (Goldstein 146)

5.3.2. "Hooded members of a death squad, who were actually off-duty police, killed seven homeless boys and wounded two others, spraying them with gunfire as they lay sleeping in front of the Candelária Church in the center of Rio de Janeiro" (Goldstein 146)

5.3.3. Brazil's 'street children' - their great humbers, living conditions, and extreme vulnerability to physical assault - make middle- and upper-class Brazilians feel uncomfortable about the way their society is represented by the international press, in part because of their own celebrated child-centeredness...On the one hand, the children are seen as innocent victims of their country's social and economic conditions. On the other, they are perceived as part of a growing population of irredeemable criminals...events such as the Candelária killings offer a confounding array of images that, in one breath, depict children of the poor who are out on the street as innocent victims and, in the next, depict them as dangerous criminals" (Goldsetin 147)

5.4. HOME CHILDREN, STREET CHILDREN, AND INSTITUTIONALIZED CHILDREN

5.4.1. "Children are increasingly important in Brazilian discourse about urban violence because they are often recruited to do the dirty work of organized urban favela gangs dealing in drugs; children are often drafted for other illicit activities, since it is well known that they get off with lesser or restricted sentences" (Goldstein 148)

5.4.2. "These children...also play a vital role in the household economy of their impoverished parents. More often than not, the only wage earner in their households is a single mother earning one minimum-wage salary per month, out of which she must feed and clothe herself and her oftentimes large extended family" (Goldstein 148)

5.4.3. "Although they are often recruited by favela gangs, these youths are not immune from the violence and punishment meted out by these same gangs" (Goldstein 148)

5.4.4. "As the number of street children has grown, the middle and upper classes have begun to view these youths as bandits and have accommodated to the idea of urban death squads 'cleansing' the streets of the most bothersome of them" (Goldstein 148)

5.4.5. "Each middle-class person has his or her own strategic rationale toward the problem, ranging from refusing to give any money at all, since 'these coins will not solve the problem', to giving some money out of a deep-seated fear or even as a kind of magical protector, realizing that they would rather give voluntarily than be assaulted by the same child later on...these 'nuisances', earning the little money they do, often add significantly to the daily subsistence of their families" (Goldstein 149)

5.4.6. "'Nurturing children, in essence, are poor children who from an early age take on serious responsibilities; they bring in resources to their mothers and nurture the household, activities they view as moral obligations. Nurtured children, on the other hand, are the coddled progeny of middle-class families" (Goldstein 149)

5.4.7. "Some of these children live in home situations that may put them at risk or in unbearable conditions that eventually lead them to opt for the street, despite the dangers." (Goldstein 149)

5.4.8. "the home is the female domain; it is identified with a hierarchical and personalistic moral world, whereas the street is both more egalitarian and more individualistic. the street is a place of danger and excitement where hierarchies are suspended: the poor rob the rich, women flirt with men, the young deviate from parents'rules, and people of color disobey white people...the street is also a place where unprotected women become vulnerable. It is often subject to the logic and rules, as well as the revenge cycles, of gangs" (Goldstein 149)

5.4.9. " being at home can refer to being with one's mother (or mother figure), 'helping one's mother by doing things in the home she wants done, accepting her advice and discipline, and augmenting the family income', and even going to school. Streetlife is, from these children's perspective, a betrayal of their role in the matrifocal household...impoverished mothers in the favelas deeply fear that some of their children will find the street more attractive than their crowded, destitute, and sometimes contentious households. These women often initiate harsh forms of discipline in the hopes of keeping their children in line and off the street" (Goldstein 150)

5.5. MIRELLI'S STORY

5.5.1. "Mirelli's father 'lost' her mother in a card game...this humiliating defeat meant that her mother had to sleep with the man he lost to. From that time one, she drank heavily and lived as she pleased, rotating her affections between Mirelli's father and several other men...Like his wife, however, he ad also given himself over to drinking. Because both parents were alcoholics and they had no stable place to live, Mirelli and her two sisters...lived mostly on the street" (Goldstein 151)

5.5.2. "When Mirelli was six years old, her mother died, and Mirelli's destiny was decided by the circumstances of her extended family...Mirelli feels that she never really experienced a childhood...Her mother's occasional life on the street put Mirelli and her sisters at greater risk of physical vulnerability because of how they were perceived by others. They were seen as girls of the street - without protection of a man or a family and thus open to sexual predation" (Goldstein 152)

5.5.3. "girls are more physically vulnerable than boys on the street because the street is seen as transforming girls - even very young ones - into mulheres, or sexually initiated women" (Goldstein 152)

5.5.4. As a result of the physical and sexual abuse, "Mirelli felt that she was a prisoner during her childhood, and she hated her years in FUNABEM" (Goldstein 152)

5.5.5. "Even though Mirelli's story had a happy ending, she is still bitter about her experience, a bitterness that confirms for Glória her own strong sense that the state institutions are breeding grounds for criminals - as dangerous as life on the street" (Goldstein 153)

5.6. LUCAS'S STORY

5.6.1. Lucas was one of the children of Glória's sister, Celina whom she collected after Celina had passed and adopted into her own home. Lucas' situation had been especially dire, having been in a home that was absolutely destitute with no resources to sustain the children living there (Goldstein 153, 154)

5.6.2. "Through these stories, it became well known to all that Lucas had come from an extremely impoverished situation. In fact, he barely survived at all, except for the tenacity of his aunt Glória, who had once dreamed that her beloved sister Celina requested that she promise to care for her children when Celina was no longer able to do so herself" (Goldstein 155)

5.7. THE EVERYDAY LIFE OF CHILDREN

5.7.1. Glória also eventually came into the possession of her ex-lover Zenzinho's children whom he didn't support and who had dropped out of school after the death of their mother to pick up various odd jobs, the money from which helped contribute to Glória's growing household (Goldstein 156)

5.7.2. "she pleaded with them to attend shcool, but they were too embarrassed to go. Glória attempted to put them back in line when they came to live with her, and she bought them new school uniforms and shoes, but she often lamented that they, too, had become too accustomed to the street" (Goldstein 159)

5.7.3. "Many in the community also saw it as a big task to 'educate' these children, given that they had now become used to spending so much time out on the street" (Goldstein 159)

5.7.4. In regards to Glória's parenting techniques, Goldstein states that "Glória was a hard taskmaster and drill sergeant, I discovered over the years. Indeed, she was considered by many people in Felicidade Eterna to be rather 'strict', and some even considered her abusive" (160)

5.8. THROWING OUT ONTO THE STREETS

5.8.1. According to Goldstein, "Glória was just as likely to throw a child out onto the streets as she was to adopt one in" (160) this is exemplified by her having tossed out a daughter for having flirted with her boyfriend, and another for having shed blood in her house.

5.8.2. "Preexisting relationships play a very important role in understanding the motivations that led this mother to send one of her teenage daughters out onto the street...in order to keep the 'larger peace' within this singularly impoverished and tiny space, Glória was forced to run her home strictly and with little room for disobedience...Glória made it clear to me that, in her mind, Filomena was not a child. Filomena had broken the rules by bringing the violence of the street into the home, and Glória was not willing to tolerate this behavior" (Goldstein 162)

5.8.3. "People in the favela who knew Glória and her family understood that she worked hard to feed her family; thus, they were reluctant to judge or criticize her actions." (Goldstein 162)

5.8.4. "In Glória's eyes, Filomena was no longer a child, and therefore her 'sentence' remained unmitigated...The concept of adolescence and adolescent rebellion as we know it...is missing from Glória's understanding of Filomena" (Goldstein 163)

5.8.5. "While certain segments of the middle and upper classes are known to be highly therapeutic and psychologizing in their approach to social life, those in the poorer classes do not share in this approach. Instead, these impoverished working classes focus on how to survive in a harsh world. This survivalist ethos leads, in turn, to some rather harsh punishment" (Goldstein 163)

5.8.6. "It is not that the lower classes are not subjected to medicolegal institutions...rather, particular forms of psychotherapeutic treatment are purely middle- and upper-class habits, something indeed foreign - in both language and logic - to my friends in Felicidade Eterna. Scientific psychology and therapeutic discourse, as they are currently practiced by the middle and elite classes, presently have little impact on the lives of the individuals in Felicidade Eterna" (Goldstein 165)

5.8.7. "Glória...believed that she could transform the future of her children through discipline and hard work" (Goldstein 166)

5.9. EATING SHIT IN A FAVELA

5.9.1. "Glória's children would sometimes share their humorous stories - which were also thinly disguised complaints - about Glória with me while she was out working and there were no other adults around...these often had an edge to them; they were told while laughing, but could also have easily been told while crying. Telling 'funny stories' about pain and tragedy was part of the shared emotional aesthetic of black humor" (Goldstein 166)

5.9.2. "The children told me stories about Glória and her past lovers and of the various punishments they had received from these outsider adults...Lucas, shortly after being rescued from Rosineide's house, defecated in the bed at an age Glória considered to be beyond 'normal' and...Glória made him eat his own excrement when he awoke the next day. But the punch line...was that he was made to lick his lips and say 'mmm' out loud- as if it tasted good...Tiago, who passing through a late childhood phase of bed-wetting, was once made to parade around the neighborhood with a wet, urine-stained bedsheet around him, sucking on it...she..defended some of her harsh disciplinary measures...explaining that certain behaviors from an older child were simply unacceptable and meant many hours of cleaning and work - labor she did not welcome given her already daunting work schedule" (Goldstein 166, 167)

5.9.3. "She wanted to teach her children that they were not animals and that to survive they would have to learn to behave in human and adult ways. There was not much time to be a child...by doing this, she was also taking care of them, and preparing them for the world at large" (Goldstein 167)

5.9.4. "Glória attempted to keep close tabs on all her children and tried to keep them near home or within familiar territory where they would be safely removed from the trouble on the streets. Glória always worried that one of her male children would be in the wrong place at the wrong time- or simply done away with...Glória worried that they could easily be mistaken for 'street children." (Goldstein 167)

5.9.5. "When Félix began to look more like a young man, Glória asked him if he would accompany her to the necessary administrative offices to obtain a....(identity card) for him so that if he ever were stopped on the street, he would have documentation proving that he was under eighteen and a legitimate member of a household...Glória understood the code very well; Félix had the look- from the perspective of the police (and therefore to some extent the middle and upper classes) - of a young...(scoundrel, thief), someone who might be up to no good. Glória continually worried about his fate, and she hoped he would never be in a situation of mistaken identity...he needed to carry it with him at all times...it could save his life" (Goldstein 168)

5.10. THE "PROTECTION" OF CHILDREN

5.10.1. "Glória's children believe that one of the reasons their mother had mellowed since moving to Felicidade Eterna was because the chief and gang-leader of the favela, Dilmar, made it known that in his territory there were to be no child beatings. To Glória's children, this mandate from the boss made him into a local hero. To Glória, however, he represented the threat of one more of her children 'going bad'" (Goldstein 168)

5.10.2. "Glória's world is divided into bandits and honest workers. Her ultimate goal is to discipline her children - through harsh physical punishment and harsh words - into becoming honest workers. Glória constantly uses Pedro Paulo as an example of what others should strive not to become - dead in the street" (Goldstein 169)

5.10.3. "Although the favela gangs rule through violence, fear, and terror, they often provide the only economic stimulus available to poor communities. In addition, they often are perceived as protectors, especially against enemy gangs; in the particular case of Felicidade Eterna, they were often perceived as a 'protector' of children" (Goldstein 169)

5.10.4. "Glória simply says that she want her children to survive, to remain alive and outside of jail; thus she demands that they grow up fast, go to school, and find 'honest' work. From her perspective, 'nothing bad is intended' by her harsh disciplinary measures. In the words of the old adage, she is 'being cruel in order to be kind' it is the only way she knows" (Goldstein 170)

5.11. CHILDHOOD, OPPOSITIONAL CULTURE, AND THE IDEA OF RESISTANCE

5.11.1. "Pedro Paulo's preference for toting a gun and tolerating the dangers of gang life parallel rather than contradict the middle-class disgust toward manual labor" (Goldstein 170)

5.11.2. " Young men growing up in these circumstances have an extremely high mortality rate. In Rio's poor neighborhoods, homicide is the leading cause of death for young men between the ages of fifteen and twenty-four" (Goldstein 170)

5.12. YOUTH CULTURE AND RESISTANCE: SOME CONCLUSIONS

5.12.1. "Glória is trying to make sure that her older children have the skills, including the obedience, humility, and even the subservience necessary for a poor, dark-skinned black person to survive in urban Brazil. Whether her methods work may be questionable. Nevertheless, these hopes are embedded in her actions" (Goldstein 171)

5.12.2. "The children of the poor are not treated as children except at the youngest ages. While these children are entering the labor force, often before it is legal, and learning what it means to work hard for low wages, their counterparts in the middle and upper classes shun manual labor of any kind....Middle- and upper-class youths, however....do experience class appropriate forms of adolescent rebellion....none of which endanger their class privilege" (Goldstein 171, 172)

5.12.3. But in regards to the lower class' accesses to rebellious activities that "youth gangs...are an ever-increasing option- one of both crime and resistance - for angry male youths, and so they are now a problem for the middle and upper classes, as well as for mothers like Glória" (Goldstein 172)

5.12.4. "The cruelty of Glória's punishments needs to be interpreted in a way that also recognizes how much she sacrifices and how hard she works to keep her family together and put food on the table...Glória will not be able to abandon the harsh survivalist ethos that drives her to inflict cruel punishments on her children until the social and economic conditions in her life allow her to live without chronic hunger and deprivation, and until real alternatives - beyond serving the wealthy for miniscule wages or joining the favela gang - exist for her children" (Goldstein 172)

6. Chapter Five

6.1. STATE TERROR, GANGS, AND EVERYDAY VIOLENCE IN RIO DE JANEIRO

6.1.1. Goldstein had discovered from Celso that Filomena's ex-husband had died as a result of a gang-related incident. According to her conversation with Celso, "he and everyone else knew that the local gang had killed Adilson, but there was nothing to be done about it except to keep....silent. The favela's 'law of silence' stood firmly in place after Adilson's murder. Talking about his death could easily provoke another one" (174)

6.1.2. "Understanding violence within a specific population requires theorizing violence and learning about the actors who count in the neighborhoods where this particular kind of violence takes place...violence is unequally distributed throughout Rio de Janeiro, with poor neighborhoods and shantytowns experiences the highest levels of violence on a number of different scales...But exactly who the actors are in these pockets of violent activity is not immediately clear" (Goldstein 175)

6.2. CRIME AND VIOLENCE IN RIO DE JANEIRO

6.2.1. "Contemporary Rio de Janeiro is a city of extremes that provides abundant visual clues of class and racial antagonism. Rio- quintessential Brazil - is one of the most unequal cities in the world, and crime and violence in their many forms are experienced and commented upon across vast divisions of class...The middle- and upper-class preoccupation with crime is apparent in the never-ending 'talk of crime', which 'feeds a circle in which fear is both dealt with and reproduced and in which violence is both counteracted and magnified'" (Goldstein 175)

6.2.2. "Despite their own sense of vulnerability...the middle and upper classes have relatively little exposure to the kind of violence experienced by the poorest. Their fear of crime is real, but the everyday structure of it is not the same" (Goldstein 175)

6.2.3. "this talk of crime is essential in creating among the middle and upper classes both the stereotypes and the prejudices that associate residents of favelas with crime and with these classes growing sense that their own public space is shrinking" (Goldstein 176)

6.2.4. "Felicidade Eterna experienced distinct cycles of calm and violence...residents described...a feeling they had that their situation was deteriorating, referring to what they perceived as an inability for the honest worker to remain outside the cycles of violence that plagued these areas...having a local gang that was led by a reasonable person was key to the stability and safety that residents...experienced...These poorest working-class sectors experience levels of everyday crime and violence that are in a completely different realm from those experienced by the middle- and upper-classes" (Goldstein 176, 177)

6.2.5. "the forms and levels of daily violence and suffering in the city are experienced differently according to class, race, gender, and location...the rule of law, so often touted as the measure of a consolidated democracy, is applied differentially in Brazil...'elitist liberalism', or 'the granting of the right to civil liberties on a differential basis depending on some aspect of the person's social status and identity...is not merely some conspiracy of the middle and upper classes against the poor to hold back the consolidation of democracy; deeply rooted (hegemonic) historical and structural favors make a transition to a more inclusive liberalism difficult to achieve" (Goldstein 177)

6.3. THE LOCAL GANG AND ITS LEADER

6.3.1. In the early 1990's when Goldstein was first beginning to conduct her anthropological research, Glória thought it appropriate to introduce her to the local gang leader to make sure that they were acquainted. He seemed altogether approving of her presence, which she describes thusly: "he semed to be pleased to help me in my request to 'hang out' in the favela, and because I spoke mostly with women, he was satisfied that I was not a snoop for the police" (178)

6.4. AN OVERVIEW OF GANGS

6.4.1. "although many residents felt ambivalent about the local gang, they also recognized the importance of having one...gangs perform functions well beyond their involvement in trafficking illegal substances" (Goldstein 179)

6.4.2. "For the poorest...all drugs are viewed as problematic because their use usually signals a connection to the local gang and the drug traffickers in some form or another....Users who have no interest in other gang activities can unwittingly become involved wit the gang simply to be able to supply themselves with the goods...a person spending money or going into debt because of a drug addiction is automatically seen as...involved, unnecessarily endangering him or herself and, possibly, his or her family as well" (Goldstein 179)

6.4.3. "The gangs have a seductive quality that goes beyond their involvement in the drug trade. For many young men, they offer a place of belonging and a sense of identity that low-paying...service sector employment does not provide" (Goldstein 179)

6.4.4. "The gang's presence, in addition to being a seduction, was also a nuisance for some young men because it meant they had to watch carefully to stay out of the business of the gang" (Goldstein 180)

6.4.5. "The gangs also offer a space within which an ethos of masculinity can be enacted...upon joining the gang, a member was given a gun of his own" thus equating the possession of a weapon with the ideals of masculinity existent within the gang (Goldstein 180)

6.5. DRUG-TRAFFICKING GANGS IN THE RIO CONTEXT

6.5.1. "The presence of the drug-trafficking gangs of different organizational structures and sizes in Rio's favelas is extensive in terms of control even though most residents are not involved in the trafficking or in any other illegal pursuits. The residents do, however, have to cope with the gang presence and with the absence of the rule of law, which is inextricably tied to the police's routine treatment of the poor as criminals" (Goldstein 180)

6.5.2. "The presence of gangs int he favelas has provided legal and moral justification for the government's use of excessive force...From the perspective of the residents, however, the prospect of being returned to the state is not necessarily any more attractive than remaining under the control of the gangs" (Goldstein 180, 181)

6.5.3. "the drug chiefs are important local figures...they provide badly needed resources...as well as a form of employment for youths...it is relatively easy to explain why the gangs have a more sympathetic profile than the police" (Goldstein 181)

6.5.4. "Together with his group of four young boys from the favela, Dilmar and his gang earned, at lest among some residents, the reputation of being 'good bandits'...actions of these young men were seen as normal aspects of community life...As a group, with Dilmar as their leader, they took it upon themselves to 'protect' the favela from other outside invaders who might want to use it for drug dealing or gun battling - a fate that seemed common to any favela that appeared to be vulnerable or without its own security structure" (Goldstein 183)

6.5.5. "Residents generally thought it was worse to have outsiders coming in to control things, a situation they had experienced during periods of instability and therefore preferred not to deal with again...protecting the favela fro outsiders...is of utmost importance...In this insider-outsider dichotomy, it is the outsiders who are likely to...dirty the area; commit a crime...the community residents believed that at least their boys would not 'dirty' their own favela, and it was hoped that their mere presence might prevent others from doing so" (Goldstein 183)

6.6. A CHRONOLOGY OF POLICE-BANDIT RELATIONS: LULU AND IVO

6.6.1. Ivo and Lulu were the gang leaders before Dilmar, Ivo being the more respected leader and Lulu being the more reckless and unpredictable. Lulu killed Ivo and ultimately was killed himself as he was deeply hated by most of the favela. After the demise of these leaders, Braga, a civil officer, stepped in with harsh justice to restore order to the favela. Despite his methods, he is largely regarded by members of the favela as a hero figure who 'saved' them from impending chaos and danger.

6.6.2. "The consensus about Braga was that he saved Felicidade Eterna from the chaos of a complete takeover; whenever residents spoke of him, there was a sense that he cleaned up the area - in a tough yet respectable way" (Goldstein 185)

6.6.3. "what made Braga a particularly good policemen in the eyes of many residents was the fact that he could distinguish between 'invaders' and 'the local gang', and between real bandits and children getting into trouble. Likewise, a good bandit such as Dilmar is able to nurture a certain kind of relationship with a policeman such as Braga, protecting the favela from unnecessary but commonplace police brutality" (Goldstein 186)

6.6.4. "residents understood that their own peace was correlated with that of the local gang, because when the gang did not pay enough corruption money, the police would come around looking for trouble" (Goldstein 186)

6.6.5. Ultimately Dilmar, despite his rather favorable status as the new gang leader for Felicidade Eterna was eventually killed by members of his own gang who believed he was plotting against them. The killers then fled in fear of retribution for Dilmar's death.

6.7. A NEW DONO

6.7.1. Breno, the principal planner in the death of Dilmar became the next gang leader for Felicidade Eterna. During his stay in prison following the murder, he formed an alliance with members of the Amigos dos Amigos gang of a neighboring favela and attempted to extend his alliance to Felicidade Eterna. However, another gang known as Colégio das Árvores already had stakes in Felicidade Eterna, resulting in the two gangs competing for territorial control in a series of small gang wars.

6.7.2. Eventually, Breno managed help "consolidate ADA's power within Felicidade Eterna" but was then "expelled from the gang as a result of his own foul play" Despite his exile, his family was largely left unharmed because ADA realized its dispute was only with Breno. However, his younger brother, Jairo was murdered by three mysterious men in a case that remains highly suspicious but unsolved. (Goldstein 187, 188)

6.8. BANDITS, POLICE, "POLICE-BANDITS"

6.8.1. "The term 'police-bandits' as used by the residents of Felicidade Eterna, referred to their own sense of the inescapability of violence in their world....It seemed to prefer the possibility that both of these entities inevitably played by the rules of revenge and personal reputation, and their blurring signaled the recognition by the residence of the dysfunctionality of the justice system" (Goldstein 188) In this case, the entities being gang members, and corrupt police.

6.8.2. "While Rio's gang culture is a form of organized crime, it lacks the centralization and organization...as the Sicilian Mafia...each local gang...has to maintain its own local base of protection and is not guaranteed protection by the larger, richer traffickers. So , while the police view the poor as criminals, the worker who is poor sees the police as colluding with criminals...The term 'police-bandits' captures the sentiment that what is taken for granted about police is their absolute corruption" (Goldstein 188, 189)

6.9. REVENGE PRACTICES

6.9.1. "violence and murder are used by both bandits and police in the course of ordinary business. Revenge is a stand-in for a legal system that is absent or dysfunctional...the gangs play a major role in providing a form of justice that many residents not necessarily involved in illegal activities themselves are willing to see administered" (Goldstein 189)

6.9.2. "Intimate relations exist between police, bandits, and local small-scale drug traffickers in Felicidade Eterna. Individuals are considered good or bad bandits, good or bad police...In this economy of revenge, both bandits and police acquire identities, reputations, and personal fame" (Goldstein 189)

6.9.3. "It has become increasingly unclear to residents during any particular incident whether the violent actions were meted out by police, bandits, or 'police-bandits'...the term 'police-bandits' captures the sense of the breakdown of the rule of law in the poorest neighborhoods, making clear the corrupt nature of the police and lending credence to...[the] contention that the system must have the blessings of the state if the interpenetration between police and bandits is in practice so extensive" (Goldstein 189, 190)

6.9.4. "the greater inability of the state to provide a policing and legal system that works, the more other entities become involved in practically institutionalized ways...there seems to be a tendency to seek immediate attention for a grievance, and the local gangs that are firmly embedded in communities are willing to take on these sorts of hard issues...they are also involved in resolving daily injustices in the local arena" (Goldstein 190)

6.9.5. "there can be no true predictability or continuity to the way affairs will be solved...situations are likely to be resolved by brute force or murder. And, because leadership lacks predictability and continuity, people get the sense that one can never tell what kind of justice will be administered at any particular moment" (Goldstein 190)

6.10. THE SOLUTIONS OF "PRIVATE" MATTERS

6.10.1. "Brazilian state and municipal authorities are particularly uninvolved in addressing an entire host of problems that people living in Felicidade ETerna must deal with on a daily basis. In countries that have social service systems, sexual abuse and violence are addressed from within the system. These are affairs that in the context of the favela border on what many people consider to be private and therefore outside of the legal system...these kinds of problems create their own cycles of revenge and involve the gangs as on-hand substitutes" (Goldstein 190)

6.10.1.1. Sexual Abuse

6.10.1.1.1. "In 1998, it was discovered that a man in Felicidade Eterna had been sexually abusing his two stepdaughters...When word of this abuse reached the local gang, gang members went to his home and severely beat him, eventually expelling him from the favela and finally threatening him with death if he returned. In the community there was a general consensus supporting the gang's actions...If they had wanted to, or if the personalities in the leadership had been different, the gang members might have killed him with the support of the entire community" (Goldstein 191)

6.10.1.2. A Case of Adultery

6.10.1.2.1. "Adriana, a neighbor of Glória's and the common-law wife of a man named Ciro, was having an affair with a young man in Felicidade Eterna who was also in a common-law marriage...Ciro...sought immediate revenge and called upon the local gang to beat up on Soni, Adriana's lover. It complied with his request, honoring his feelings of having been wronged, and prohibited Soni's return to the favela." (Goldstein 191)

6.10.1.2.2. "Later, Ciro and his mother-in-law's boyfriend entered Soni's old shack with the intention of raping and beating Soni's abandoned wife..When neighboring residents became aware of what was going on, they called in the local gang (once again) to stop them...Ciro's accomplice...was unwilling to 'stop what he had started', and one of the gang members was forced to shoot him in the leg...That bullet eventually caused him to lose his leg. From then on, he, too, was prohibited from entering the favela.Later...he hired two men to kill the gang member who shot him, and they succeeded" According to Goldstein, with such cycles of revenge "the actions are often moments of consensus in which the rules of the community are enforced" (191, 192)

6.10.1.2.3. "When residents recount these events, they universally consider the gang's behavior...as perfectly justifiable...It did not, from the local perspective, 'take sides' in the two cases: it simply pursued a sense of justice, just as the police are supposed to do...The combination of a case of adultery occurring within a community and the overlap of friendships between gang and nongang members in the end enabled the gang to intervene on Ciro's behalf. A more general sense of justice enabled it to stop the rape of an innocent when the wrath of the cuckold got out of hand" (Goldstein 192)

6.10.1.3. Gun Control

6.10.1.3.1. "After Breno's brief and impetuous rule, a nonlocal gang...invaded Felicidade Eterna, claiming it as its own territory. It prohibited anyone who was not part of the gang from owning a gun...Breno's brother-in-law, Franklin...owned a gun that the new gang insisted he give up...Because at this time the local gang was nonexistent, Franklin had no recourse but to call for the help of the police...a shootout with the ADA gang members ensued" Franklin was forced to leave Felicidade Eterna for the time being to avoid being killed, but returned with another rival gang, Cólegio das Árvores to be able to gain access to his home and left over belongings (Goldstein 193)

6.10.1.3.2. "Generally, the police themselves are reluctant to become involved in these types of internal favela struggles. Residents assume that the police themselves are fearful of being targeted in revenge killings- a popular theory that helps explain why some police have become members of masked death squads, executing their suspects while off duty and disguised" (Goldstein 193)

6.10.1.4. A Case of "Petty Theft"

6.10.1.4.1. Isadora's son Afonso "had collaborated in a theft at his own workplace" leading to his getting into trouble with the law. Luckily he got into trouble with Dinho, a local civil officer, who beat him severely, but did not arrest him nor kill him, and allowed him to return what he stole to avoid any further consequences. According to Goldstein, "here was a case where the policeman was more gentle than the local gang. Isadora was thankful that Dinho had merely beaten Afonso instead of killing or arresting him...Afonso could have been subjected to extremely harsh punishment because he had 'dirtied his own area'" (193-195)

6.10.1.4.2. "In this scenario, Dinho...was seen as a 'hero' of sorts for solving the problem on his own and not ruining Afonso's life by sending him to jail. He was viewed as being kind in this situation for offering Afonso a beating instead" (Goldstein 195)

6.10.1.5. Solution for an Abusive and Adulterous Husband

6.10.1.5.1. "Marília, Glória's young neighbor, experienced a period of upheaval with her husband, Celso, who was having affairs with other women and returning home to beat her...She was able to use the threat of her brother, appropriately nicknamed..."The Criminal", to scare her husband into more appropriate behavior" (Goldstein 195)

6.10.1.6. Rape of a Child

6.10.1.6.1. "oftentimes when a murder occurs, nobody is really sure about the identity of the killers, nor are the killers sure about who they are supposed to be killing" (Goldstein 196)

6.10.1.6.2. "Masked men came to the street where Marília's brother-in-law lived and threw him into a car, telling him that he had raped a three-year-old and that he was going to die...Later, another car pulled up and a man told them that Marília's brother-in-law was 'the wrong guy', but that they had the right in the other car...They decided 'not to waste a bullet on him', but instead to throw gasoline on him and set him on fire. He managed to escape death but was severely burned...Notably, when Marília explained the case to me, she insisted that whoever had actually raped the child ought to be punished - despite such risks of mistaken identity" (Goldstein 196)

6.10.1.6.3. "By now, the populations living in these areas are willing to accept justice; as long as it is directed at the right person, they are not concerned with who administers punishment or exacts revenge" (Goldstein 196, 197)

6.11. ALTERNATIVE JUSTICE IN THE "BROWN ZONES"

6.11.1. "the unspoken rules of class have led to a situation in which the middle and upper classes do indeed experience some elements of the rule of law, however imperfect, whereas people living in areas plagued by poverty experience the rules and regulations of an alternative justice system" (Goldstein 197)

6.11.2. "contemporary Rio includes a great many impoverished pockets where residents live in many respects beyond the reach of the stat; a distance that is indeed sometimes physical but most often is a symbolic distance rendered into practice through a narrowed access to decent health care and other forms of social services. Whereas for the middle and upper classes, some semblance of a rule of law exists, for the lower classes it has traditionally been denied" (Goldstein 197)

6.11.3. "In these brown areas...the state is unable to enforce its legality...in these regions one cannot expect proper treatment from the police or the courts...these zones...offer a kind of 'low-intensity citizenship'...the state is unable to enforce its legality and therefore can find justification for using oppressive force against populations in these areas" (Goldstein 198, 199)

6.11.4. "In the brown zones of Rio...the local gangs provide a parallel state structure and alternative rule of law...there is a great deal of consensus among the population that police are corrupt...local gangs are seen as necessary...but they, too, are viewed with a great deal of ambivalence" (Goldstein 200)

6.11.5. "In the absence of a reliable state presence, the gangs fill a role beyond simple trafficking in illegal goods. They are called upon to right the wrongs of everyday life, and in this role they are tolerated and sometimes even venerated...The low-intensity citizenship of the residents in the brown zones means that they must depend on the gangs not only to provide an alternative rule of law but also to fill in wherever else the state is absent" (Goldstein 200, 201)

6.12. POLICING IN BRAZIL AS SOCIAL CONTROL OF THE LOWER CLASSES

6.12.1. "Brazilian social relations are marked by exaggerated inequality and this is true as well for the application of the rule of law...People living in different neighborhoods are exposed to different risks and levels of violence" (Goldstein 201)

6.12.2. "violence is experienced in profoundly different intensities according to socioeconomic class. this structure of inequality extends to the police forces and to how...the police forces mete out different punishments based on class and race...Because poor people are criminalized, they bear the burden of corrupt dealings with the police" (Goldstein 202)

6.12.3. "there is a level of community cohesion in low-income neighborhoods that is built around a common dislike and distrust of the police...The majority of residents in Felicidade Eterna were honest and hardworking, but their greater sympathy toward the gangs than toward the civil an military police forces was palpable" (Goldstein 203)

6.13. A NOTE ON OPPOSITIONAL CULTURE

6.13.1. "The oppositional culture that the gangs represent is a direct response to long-term, historically conditioned economic oppression...gangs provide more than economic opportunity...they fill in where the state is absent, and they mete out justice within an alternative system of revenge practices. They have...become an enemy- and competitor- of the state" (Goldstein 204)

6.14. THE DISDAIN FOR THE POLICE

6.14.1. "The relationships between favela residents and the police produce a structure of regular violence...the poor...experience the police forces as part of the everyday violence present in their neighborhoods...the relationship is complex, ambivalent, and ambiguous" (Goldstein 204)

6.14.2. "modern police institutions developed precisely to ensure the continuity of traditional hierarchical social relations into the impersonal public space, with political elites creating institutions that would enforce their own measures of acceptable and unacceptable behavior" (Goldstein 204)

6.14.3. "corruption, in addition to ordinary violence, has been thoroughly institutionalized throughout the police system" (Goldstein 205)

6.15. THE CRIMINALIZATION OF THE POOR

6.15.1. "the rule of law 'belongs' to the elite only, much as other material 'goods' are distributed in Brazilian society. The structure of inequality extends to the police forces, where documented incidents of brutality have reached absurd proportions; such abuse is carried out to a much greater extent and with much greater impunity against the lower classes" (Goldstein 205)

6.15.2. "In the elite and middle-class regions of the Zona Sul, some version of the traditional rule of law functions, whereas in favelas such as Felicidade Eterna, it does not. This differential experience of the rule of law...and the 'naturalization' of this difference by the middle classes and the elite are part of the ideological system that has resulted from the elite's criminalization of the poor and the poor's internalization of these beliefs" (Goldstein 205)

6.15.3. "the working classes remain in a state of constant confusion and ambivalence with regard to their evaluations of police violence...It is, ironically, the lack of alternatives that leads people into the paradoxical position of supporting violent police actions that would then increase their own chances of victimization" (Goldstein 206)

6.15.4. "we can view the rise of drug-trafficking gangs and the continued rejection of the police within the shared context of a delegitimized rule of law. These gangs provide an alternative justice system - a parallel state...among the poorest, who thoroughly reject a corrupt police force and...seek some organized entity that can administer 'justice' in the local arena" (Goldstein 207)

6.16. "PARALLEL STATES"

6.16.1. "With no reliable noncorrupt police presence, the local bandidos and the bandidos from the larger gangs in the major favelas perform internal security and crime control functions. They judge and punish thieves and other delinquents" (Goldstein 207, 208)

6.16.2. "the formation of parallel states in the Rio favelas...a process through which other power brokers become necessary to occupy the void created by an absent state authority....social banditry becomes a form of self-help in the context of economic crises and social tension. Social bandits arise and are successful in the absence of a reliable state" (Goldstein 209)

6.17. STATE AND BANDITS AS PERPETRATORS OF VIOLENCE

6.17.1. "the gangs...serve not only as protectors from other, outside gangs, but also as mediators in the face of a violent and corrupt police force" (Goldstein 209, 210)

6.17.2. "in Brazil, organized crime has infiltrated the state. The state itself cannot be a reliable institution in terms of having the goodwill or the ability to relegitimize the rule of law, or to carry out other aspects of reform because the state itself is thoroughly compromised" (Goldstein 210)

6.18. RETURNING TO THE MURDER: THE DEATH OF ADILSON

6.18.1. Adilson, Glória's former son-in-law, had been heavily involved with gang activity, but decided to withdraw completely. However, an incident took place in which a man, José Pedro had been killed in a gang-related incident in which his brother Leandro had bungled an assault which resulted in the death of an innocent. José Pedro's life was taken in retribution for this murder, seeing as Leandro was serving jailtime. Due to his failure to intervene and save José Pedro, who was affiliate with his former gang through their shared territory, Adilson was killed in revenge for José Pedro's lost life.

6.18.2. "the series of revenge killings had been swift. But a lingering climate of fear gripped those residents who were friends of Adilson...Overall, a sense of insecurity hung in the air a long time after this murder...revenge could come much later, when one is least expecting it" (Goldstein 215)

6.19. WOMEN, OPPOSITIONAL CULTURE, AND RELIGIOUS CONVERSION

6.19.1. "It seems as if women are choosing religious conversion as a form of oppositional culture, one that resists male oppositional culture, namely, gang membership and participation in urban violence" (Goldstein 217)

6.19.2. "these religious movements, albeit with agendas of their own, are out there in the trenches providing one of the few types of bodily protection available...these churches have a positive effect on black self-esteem" (Goldstein 219)

6.19.3. "This religious response is, in many ways, a response to young black women's own everyday context...their oppositional culture...is as apolitical as gang activity...Relgious conversion may actually be a form of women's oppositional culture that is a response to men's oppositional culture" (Goldstein 219)

6.19.4. "the evangelical movement is a 'challenge to the prevailing form of gender subordination'...'an especially powerful ideological tool that radically alters sex role behavior, promotes female interests, and raises the status of women...the attraction of Pentecostalism and charismatic Catholicism lies in their ability to deal with problems that have been considered private, such as domestic violence" (Goldstein 220)

6.19.5. According to Goldstein, an additional allure of such religious conversion lies in the concept of salvation. She believes that women may turn to religion to save themselves and their loved ones, who may be involved in gang activity, from the dangers that lie in such relations and criminal interactions. Women may feel protected by the church and by religion, and may seek to protect others, like lovers, through religious conversion that would seek to pull them off the street, away from crime and away from the dangers therein. However, religious conversion can also be a separating maneuver, meant to separate women from the criminal activities and gang members and disassociate them from such spheres entirely.

6.19.6. "Religious belonging has become not only an indicator of faith but also a protective symbol of neutrality and nonparticipation in the escalating violence occurring among police, bandits, and police-bandits" (Goldstein 224)

6.19.7. "in the brown zones that have been removed further and further from the benefits of economic well-being and institutions and organizations that make up that place called 'civil society', we find a different set of actors gaining local powers of their own...the local gang that crops up in such areas and winds up protecting local populations and mediating between their communities and larger, more imperialist gangs and police" (Goldstein 224, 225)

6.19.8. "The absence of the state in such areas means that these local gangs provide a parallel or alternative rule of law that deals with 'private matters' which the state is unable and unwilling to address within these brown zones" (Goldstein 225)

7. Chapter Six

7.1. PARTIAL TRUTHS, OR THE CARNIVALIZATION OF DESIRE

7.1.1. "Marieta, Glória's godchild....was born in late 1991...At birth, it was noted that Marieta had a rather small but odd-looking growth on her bundinda...when Marieta reached the age of four, Joana [her mother] brought her to a local clinic to have it looked at by a female physician on staff" (Goldstein 226)

7.1.2. "When the doctor asked Marieta to turn over with her pants down so that she could examine the growth, Marieta,,,uttered her soon-to-be infamous phrase, 'In my aaaass, noooo, idiot!' These words would...become the punch line of a joke that Glória and Marieta repeated to friends and neighbors...everyone, including Glória and little Marieta, would break into convulsive laughter" (Goldstein 226, 227)

7.2. SEXUALITY IN THE CONTEXT OF LOCAL CULTURE

7.2.1. "the peculiar form of machismo...present in places like Felicidade Eterna, one that is naturalized and normalized within the flow of everyday life and in which men and women both participate. It is about the lack of alternative public discourses that make their way into the lives of people living in Felicidade Eterna" (Goldstein 227)

7.2.2. "there are a number of disturbing elements that structure everyday sexuality in places like Felicidade Eterna, but that there is no easy way to confront these elements because the discourses that would be necessary to battle these problems are either not well developed, not disseminated beyond the reaches of the middle and upper classes, or simply taboo...it seems, any critique of sexuality is difficult for women to carry out because of the reigning Carioca identity that loudly speaks of a sensual, tropical sexuality, one that has triumphed in a kind of Brazilian carnivalization of desire" (Goldstein 227, 228)

7.2.3. "this carnivalization of desire is largely...a masculinist vision of desire and transgression. As a reslut, counterdiscourses to this particular vision are difficult to develop" (Goldstein 228)

7.3. DISCOURSES OF SEX-POSITIVENESS

7.3.1. "According to some contemporary anthopological interpretations of brasilidade...sexuality is central: ' While sexual life in North America or Europe has been treated as an essentially individual phenomenon, in Brazil it has also emerged as a central issue at a social or cultural level, and has been taken, for better or worse, as a kind of key to the peculiar nature of Brazilian reality'" (Goldstein 228)

7.3.2. "sexuality is a key metaphor used by Cariocas in their everyday language and description of almost all aspects of social life" (Goldstein 228)

7.3.3. "the permissive and celebratory sexuality of Rio... the inherent comfort level around expressions of eroticism and sexuality that range across class-, color-, age-, and gender-distinct Carioca subcultures...a 'sex-positiveness' that is both real and palpable...sexuality is central to Brazilian identity and that Brazilians are proudly interested in and devoted to their own particular form of normative heterosexuality" (Goldstein 229)

7.3.4. "sexual teasing and banter are common in Felicidade Eterna...They permeate everyday relations and allow for commentaries that might be more difficult to speak about directly. Instead, messages are transmitted through the subtlety of humor" (Goldstein 230)

7.4. THE CARNIVALIZATION OF DESIRE

7.4.1. "Brazil's self-promoted image as an eroticized 'tropical paradise' is an accurate one. There is a sense of bodily liberation, expressed in body language, dress, flirtation, and exuberant dance that grounds Carioca bodies differently from North American or Western European bodies" (Goldstein 232)

7.4.2. "Carioca culture...is immediately recognizable in its penchant for clothing styles that hug and accentuate the body, particularly the buttocks" (Goldstein 232)

7.4.3. "public flirtation is an elaborate and beloved game, not scrutinized as an objectification of women's bodies but rather appreciated as pleasurable and complimentary of women's bodies...Being ignored is considered true punishment - a fate worse than death...Brazilian women of all classes enjoy being looked at, complimented, and considered sexually desirable" (Goldstein 232)

7.4.4. "male homosexuality in Brazil consisted of two distinct types, an upper-class model and a lower-class model...the upper-class model was a kind of 'import' from Western Europe and North America that adheres to a conceptualization of homosexuality that connects one's sexual and social identity with one's sexual object choice. The lower-class version recognized the categorize of homens (men) and bichas (meaning worm, a term used derogatorily to refer to effeminate men...and was a dualistic model of active and passive partners who divided along both sexual and social gender roles..." (Goldstein 232, 233)

7.4.5. "homens were understood to be the active, penetrating men who maintain their masculine identity regardless of whether their sexual object of choice is male or female, and bichas were understood to be the passive, receiving partners who represent effeminate men and whose masculine identity ultimately is compromised by their social and sexual role" (Goldstein 233)

7.4.6. "structures of activity and passivity are used to genderize, eroticize, and categorize the Brazilian sexual universe....sexuality in Brazil has a liberatory quality, one that encourages various forms of transgressive play. But transgression, finally, seems to be patterened by traditional gender relations, with men being expected to act as transgressors and women playing the role of 'boundary setters'" (Goldstein 233)

7.4.7. "Brazilian feminists have attempted to avoid what is perceived as radical North American feminism, a feminism that criticizes normative gender relations and heterosexuality but also may appear to be sex-negative. Brazilian feminism has had difficulty directly confronting issues that touch upon the body and upon sexuality in the context of heterosexual relations" (Goldstein 234)

7.4.8. "two distinct middle-class women's networks provided the organizational bases for nascent feminism in Brazil: a university- and militant opposition-based network of younger women, and an academic and professional-based network of older women...two distinct feminisms emerged during this period of military dictatorship: one that would ultimately be invited to join the left in its attempt to reorganize the country and another that became perceived as the struggle of the bourgeois lesbians against men and was considered unacceptable and alien" (Goldstein 234)

7.4.9. "the divisions within Brazilian feminism served to taint any feminism that addressed issues of sexuality in ways that echoed North American versions at that time" (Goldstein 235)

7.4.10. "early interest in male homo-eroticism in Brazilian sexual culture represents a courageous and exceptional case of scholarship that in some respects preceded the emergence of 'queer theory' in the European and North American context....it has led to a form of unintentional neglect with regard to research on other forms of sexuality" (Goldstein 235)

7.4.11. "there is a neglected aspect to the overly sex-positive narrative that has been emphasized by a lineage of scholars focusing on male homoeroticism and the more playful aspects of transgression. In the absence of a feminist critique of gendered power relations and normative heterosexual relations, some partial truths have remained hidden. The inability to speak critically about sexuality leaves poorer, darker-skinned Afro-Brazilian women in the position of second class sexual-citizens, unable to fully critique some of their own local subculture's particular approach to sexuality" (Goldstein 235, 236)

7.4.12. "Their discourse....does occasionally find voice through their humor, and this humor provides a critique of everyday sexuality, a counterdiscourse that registers a definitive 'crack' in this standard vision of sex-positiveness and begins to build a broader, deeper - and perhaps more troubling - picture of sexuality in contemporary working-class Rio" (Goldstein 236)

7.5. ETHNOGRAPHY: LOCAL SEXUAL CULTURE IN FELICIDADE ETERNA

7.5.1. "The word comer, which means both 'to eat' and to actively consume another person sexually, is connected to male sexual activity. Women and others perceived as being in the sexually passive position are generally the metaphorical receivers, and they dar, or ' give'...you are defined by whether you are a person who eats ore one who is eaten...whether you are active or passive in the consumption process, and not by what you consume" (Goldstein 236)

7.5.2. "a man who eats other men and assumes the public status as the active sexual partner can maintain a firm male identity as an homem, while the passive partner, the bicha or viado, considered the recipient in anal sex, loses status...a man who is cuckolded becomes a corno....feminized by his partner's infidelity" (Goldstein 236)

7.5.3. "females are to be consumed, and they are viewed negatively when they assume the role of 'active' consumers...women are 'dangerous' because they are outside of the home and because they do not act like other women. By being perceived as active sexually, they are causing a category disturbance" (Goldstein 236)

7.5.4. "The women living in Felicidade Eterna are able to subvert the social and moral order that idealizes men as eaters and women as those being eaten, resisting the social control embedded in these discourses through joking and storytelling...Women are involved in a type of creative metaphorizing that aims to subvert the idealized notions about 'who is eating whom', and in the process they make claims about their own personhood" (Goldstein 237)

7.5.5. "'Eating' metaphors point not only to the nature of gendered sexual power relations where men are eaters and women are to be eaten but also to the intimate ways in which economic and sexual aspects of normative gender relations are intertwined...These economic expectations are women into the fabric of daily life, and people use the metaphors of sexuality and eating to express their dissatisfaction with the status quo. The metaphors of eating and sexuality are turned upside down through humor, which functions as a window expressing their resistance to the traditional metaphorical and real constraints on their (sexual) selves" (Goldstein 237)

7.5.6. "they tell these stories to one another, exercising and reaffirming among themselves a kind of subversive power, perhaps partly commodifying men and men's resources in response to their own commodification as sexualized, racialized, ande xoticized Others" (Goldstein 237)

7.5.7. "Men, according to women, are likely to fool around no matter who their stable partner is; this is simply a taken-for-granted fact of life. Women, too, can be adulterers, but the perception is that they are far less often and then only as a means of revenge or payback rather than an act in and of itself...male infidelity is disliked but perceived as part of the normal repertoire of male behavior...Women are expected to be loyal to their partners simply because they are women, and their disloyalty shames and dishonors their partners...Women work hard, however, to subvert these naturalized forms of male privilege and prevailing double standards" (Goldstein 238)

7.5.8. "In their jokes about men and about 'who's eating whom', as well as in their actions, women reveal their ability to turn metaphors and reality on their heads...But in spite of women's creative resistance to the dominant metaphors of consumption and sexuality, they nevertheless would strictly adhere to some standard cultural scrips that inevitably reproduced aspects of the sexual hierarchy they worked so hard at times to subvert" (Goldstein 242, 243)

7.6. FROM BOYS TO MEN: NORMATIVE MASCULINIZATION AND HETEROSEXUALITY

7.6.1. "Class-specific regimes of sexuality do exist...a class thread runs through the gender role sexual expectations: there is the desire to provide boys with sexual experiences so that they can be knowledgeable about and fulfill their sexually active role. As part of the expected ritual of turning a boy into a man, boys are encouraged and expected to become active seducers" (Goldstein 243)

7.6.2. "young men gain knowledge and their first sexual experiences with those who are not necessarily their potential partners....Women, in order to remain 'good women', are expected to attain their early sexual experiences directly from their male partners and ideally as inexperienced virgins...In Rio, the ideal of virginity before partnership seemed to be far more distant from the reach of young women" (Goldstein 245)

7.6.3. "the abundant sexual discourses have not necessarily produced any substantive knowledge about reproductive health, pregnancy prevention, or HIV transmission" (Goldstein 246)

7.7. SACANAGEM, TRANSGRESSION AND FEMALE BOUNDARY-SETTING

7.7.1. "Sacanagem is an important organizing concept in the realm of Brazilian sexuality....linking 'notions of aggression and hostility, play and amusement, sexual excitement and erotic practice in a single symbolic complex'...it can describe an act that gives pleasure as well as one that hurts or humiliates another" (Goldstein 246)

7.7.2. "Women are often cast in the role of sexual boundary setters in this transgressive complex. And ideal men are, to some extent, expected to transgress" (Goldstein 247)

7.8. A JOKE THAT EVEN GLÓRIA DID NOT FIND FUNNY

7.8.1. "Women had an entire set of discourses specifically about the danger of stepfathers, and yet they were comparatively quiet on the question of biological fathers...Stepfathers, or merely men who are considered outsiders to the family unit, are perceived as dangerous, and women, accepting this danger as part of the natural order of things, practice all kinds of precautions to protect their children from these men's transgressions" (Goldstein 248-250)

7.8.2. "When women cross out of the boundaries of the house and onto the street, they are categorized as women of the street, loose women, those not bound by the rules of the house that normally protect them...To men, women in this situation are perceived as already sexually experienced and most likely 'ruined' for the purposes of any decent relationship with a man" (Goldstein 250, 251)

7.8.3. "the discourse of sexual abuse was bound within a discourse about stepfathers. This abuse, while not exactly acceptable, was understood within a certain logic about male sexuality and its limits. The only act that was perceived as heinous within this particular logic was the case of incest between a biological father and daughter or son by a father who had participated in the raising of a child from an early age" (Goldstein 253)

7.9. PARTIAL TRUTHS

7.9.1. "Without the institutional and juridicial mechanisms available tot he middle and upper classes, poor women are left as the guardians against a socially constructed transgressive male sexuality...teenagers, and even very young children...are seen as having agency, even in relations with older, more powerful adult males" (Goldstein 257)

7.9.2. "These particular aspects of local sexual culture, on the one hand, create what appears to be an epidemic of child sexual abuse; on the other hand, they point to a strange expectation - and subversion - of sexually transgressive male behavior" (Goldstein 257)

7.9.3. "But in the poorest classes, there seem to be specific class aspects that may leave young girls and boys vulnerable...' We must return, therefore, to formulations that have long been disparaged; we must say that there is a bourgeois sexuality, and that there are class sexualities...that sexuality is originally, historically bourgeois, and that, in it s successive shifts and transpositions, it induces specific class effects'" (Goldstein 257, 258)

7.9.4. "women are constrained by a number of factors, not least of which is the local sex-positive language and attitudes that make it hard for women to protest male infidelity or to govern transgressive male sexuality...because these characteristics are sanctioned and built into what is considered normal sexuality and because, as many women complained, ' this is how men are'" (Goldstein 258)

8. Chapter Seven

8.1. WHAT'S SO FUNNY ABOUT RAPE?

8.1.1. "Marília had tried to poison Celso by putting a few spoonfuls of rat poison in his morning juice. Marília told everyone what she had done without a trace of guilt, with even a playful smile on her face. She and everyone else present thought it was hilariously funny that after all her determined effort, Celso did not die" (Goldstein 260)

8.1.2. "It seemed fitting that Marília finally reached the end of her rope with her abusive, unfaithful husband, and that even in this case, things did not turn out the way she had planned ...the fact that Celso did not die - even from a fistful of rat poison - came across as a final moment of absurdity. Marília recognized that even in the strongest, most active moment of her resistance, things can still go wrong. Yes, Celso, like so many of Marília's proplems in life, proved 'difficult to kill'" (Goldstein 261, 262)

8.2. AN EVENING OF TERROR IN DUQUE DE CAXIAS

8.2.1. "Glória and her family had been assaulted in their home in Duque de Caxias...two men claiming to have guns...demanded that they be let in to search for a certain 'Cesar', whom they claimed was a member of a rival gang...Glória decided to open the door and let the men in. She knew that once inside they would see that there was nothing worth stealing...When the two assailants were convinced that 'Cesar' was not actually there, they decided to rape Anita and Cláudia, who at the time were only fourteen and fifteen years old" (Goldstein 263)

8.2.2. "Glória used the story to explain why she and her family abandoned a home in a 'real neighborhood' to move back into a favela, and also to explain why Glória left Ignácio, the fat drummer...for a former lover, Zezinho, a skinny alcoholic and a poor earner" (Goldstein 264)

8.2.3. "It was not that rape was something acceptable or easily dismissable to Glória and her daughters, either. Rather, rape is an extremely serious offense, one that provokes all kinds of retaliatory violence...But while all this is true, it is also true that women are sometimes left without the protection of their male relatives or anyone at all; sometimes women find that the protection afforded by male relatives comes at its own high cost" (Goldstein 264)

8.2.4. "The telling of the robbery and rape story provided a way for sexuality, violence, and female victimization to be dealt with through humor...the story became a pivotal event around which discussions revolved about the expectations women had for the men in their lives...these stories, aside from their humorous twists and turns, also revealed a great deal of suffering that otherwise would have remained silenced" (Goldstein 264, 265)

8.3. SONECA'S VERSION OF THE STORY

8.3.1. "Soneca downplayed Anita's trauma because Anita had already lost her virginity and therefore 'it didn't hurt hardly at all'. But Soneca became much more serious when she described what had happened to Cláudia, emphasizing the fact that 'Cláudia lost the most that evening'...This twist manages to turn an evening of terror and violence into a story of Anita's cleverness and resourcefulness int he face of Glória's protective stance around her daughters' sexuality" (Goldstein 266)

8.3.2. "Soneca continually reminded everyone of Ignácio's selfish focus on 'his own losses' rather than on the losses experienced by the girls, a detail that condemned him in the eyes of Glória's children and eventually Glória herself" (Goldstein 267)

8.4. BATTLING MOTHERS AND DAUGHTERS

8.4.1. "Ignácio's single-minded concern over the loss of his wristwatch the night of the rape epitomized his long-held indifference to the concerns and sufferings of Glória's children" (Goldstein 268)

8.4.2. "Glória laughed about her own past threats to her daughters, never carried out...She explained that, ultimately, she hoped her verbal threats would deter her daughters from entering into premature sexual relationships and risking pregnancy" (Goldstein 269)

8.4.3. "Men resist contributing too much, especially to women who already have children with other fathers. Male economic participation is often the main issue for women in a romantic relationship, an d it is hotly contested territory...Women often find themselves escaping from one form of victimization in their lives by entering another, often equally troublesome situation" (Goldstein 269)

8.4.4. "The retelling of the rape story through attention to various humorous details allowed for the venting of anger about a series of issues that would normally be difficult to discuss in a straightforward manner: the abuse of women by warring gangs, the misplaced priorities of stepfathers, and the desire of women for men to provide economic stability" (Goldstein 270)

8.5. A NOTE ON THE LEGAL UNIVERSE AND RAPE

8.5.1. "the legal system itself - assuming a case of rape of a lower-class woman finds it way there - is still, even today, hindered from hearing the perspectives of impoverished women due to a combination of anachronistic legal codes regarding class (and therefore race), gender, and sexuality" (Goldstein 270)

8.5.2. "lower-class women were actively creating their own subculture, one that did not place as much importance on virginity as did the elite culture of the time...lower-class women making accusations of rape in court were forced to adopt a more elite view of sexuality in order to approximate judiciary views of sexuality that were dominant in the elite culture at the time...These young women from the lower classes had to hide their true values and beliefs about sexuality from their middle-class neighbors and bosses who would not approve of their attitudes and/or behavior" (Goldstein 270)

8.5.3. "rape has been difficult to adjudicate in the Brazilian court system because it relies on stereotyped gender views of both the perpetrator and the victim...it was difficult for younger women who were not virgins or, in the case of older women, those who were not in one stable partnership with a man, to meet the court standard of an 'honest' women and thus to win a rape case...anachronistic definitions of female honor were still codified within the legal system" (Goldstein 271)

8.5.4. "the courts have been reluctant to prosecute and convict men who attack their wives, especially if there is evidence of infidelity...the courts are caught in anachronistic understandings of class, gender, and sexuality, thus leaving women - but especially impoverished women - with little or no legal recourse in their everyday negotiations with men, gangs and criminals...Women do, in fact, become violent in these situations, but they also laugh - darkly - about the impossible situations they find themselves in" (Goldstein 271)

8.6. BLACK HUMOR AS THE ONLY RESPONSE

8.6.1. "Humor can only be understood in its place, and place is always circumscribed by relations of class, gender, race and sexuality...certain forms of black humor within the dominated or the 'popular' classes because it is their only recourse in a universe of limited options" (Goldstein 271)

8.6.2. "The content of the humor - its 'bad taste' - substantiates the possibility that these dominated classes, caught in a set of limiting circumstances, have few options beyond absurdist laughter" (Goldstein 271)

8.7. CONCLUSIONS

8.7.1. "When I speak of ethnographic context, I refer not only to the ideational systems within which actors become agents but also to the power relations within which actors are restricted" (Goldstein 272)

8.7.2. 'Women in these settings are continually striving to mediate their perspectives on sexuality in a society that is incredibly sex-positive but that does very little to protect the bodies of women - even young women - from transgressive male behavior" (Goldstein 272)

8.7.3. 'these women are not merely passive victims of the structures and discourses of domination that constrict their lives. While they do enact and reproduce these structures - they 'live' them - these women also, in fact, often strenuously and creatively resist them" (Goldstein 273)

8.7.4. "The middle and upper classes will need to address this differential application of the rule of law, or they will witness an even greater threat to their desire for democratic consolidation. They will need to work in favor of human rights, even for those whom they have mistakenly condemned as criminals...Democratic consolidation cannot occur without reform of the police forces and an end to the human rights abuses and corruption within that institution. It cannot occur without a credible rule of law that is applied to citizens without distinctions of class, race, or gender" (Goldstein 273)

8.7.5. "Beyond the immediate economic benefits that the drug trade is purported to bring to some segments of society, the gangs of varying sizes and levels of organization involved in trafficking also provide an alternative rule of law in impoverished neighborhoods...The courts would need to be reformed into a believable set of institutions that could deal with the many different levels of crime and abuse" (Goldstein 274)

8.7.6. "'although procedural democratic practices may have returned for the middle-classes, nothing inherent in the transition to democracy guarantees either procedural or substantive democracy for the lower classes'...Lula, the Workers Party candidate, is poised to take office as president of Brazil. This fact may help constitute a new era in Brazil's quest to consolidate its democracy and to support a more equitable rule of law across its many regions. Perhaps, when all of these reforms are accomplished, we will witness a momentous change in the laughter of these people" (Goldstien 274)